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Why seven Republican senators voted to condemn Trump

WASHINGTON – Senator Bill Cassidy’s decision to convict Donald J. Trump of inciting an insurgency was crashed one day last fall, when he received an email from a friend full of false statements from the president of the time about a stolen election.

Alarmed that Mr. Trump’s lies were gaining credibility, Mr. Cassidy, a Republican from Louisiana, was among a small minority in his party – and one of the few officials in the South – to acknowledge the victory from President Biden. Months later, after Mr. Trump’s campaign to overturn the election culminated in the Capitol Riot, Mr. Cassidy was one of only seven Republican senators to vote Saturday to condemn him.

Taken at face value, Mr Cassidy – a newly re-elected Tory doctor with a quirky streak – has little in common with the six other senators who broke with their party and found Mr Trump guilty in the most popular vote. bipartisan for a presidential election. indictment conviction in US history. Most faced backlash on Sunday from Republicans in their states furious at the vote, as did the 10 House Republicans who backed impeachment last month.

But the senators were united by a common thread: Each of them, for their own reasons, was not afraid of political retaliation from Mr. Trump or his supporters.

“Two are retiring, and three are not until 2026, and who knows what the world will be like in five years,” said Whit Ayres, a veteran Republican pollster. “Five years ago it was quite different from what it is today. All seven have a certain independence that those due to run in 2022 in a closed Republican primary simply don’t have.

For Mr. Cassidy, it was a sense of outrage at the actions of the former president, long before the January 6 assault, that played the dominant role. In an interview on Sunday, Mr. Cassidy said Mr. Trump had ‘cheated this lie’ about the election for months, then sat for hours as lawmakers and his own vice president were attacked on Capitol Hill and n ‘Republican senators had not been called to ask them to continue to challenge the election results.

“This anger is simmering in the background,” Mr. Cassidy said. “All my life I have read stories of great men and women who sacrifice themselves for our country, who sacrifice themselves so that we can have the freedoms that we have here today – and the idea that someone one would try to usurp and destroy them?

“It always makes me angry,” he continued. “This makes me really angry.”

Many Republicans privately shared Mr. Cassidy’s anger, but the fact that only seven of them were ultimately willing to find Mr. Trump guilty underscored the extraordinary loyalty the former president still commands from the party.

Even with Mr. Trump out of the White House, Republican lawmakers have been reluctant to cross paths with the former president for fear of invoking his anger and infuriating primary voters who still worship him. All but one Republicans who voted to condemn Mr. Trump will not face voters at the polls for years – or never again, in the case of two who are due to retire in 2022.

Mr Cassidy was re-elected in November, as were two others who voted to convict the former president – Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Ben Sasse of Nebraska – meaning they have five years before their names fail. appear on a ballot. Two others, Senators Richard M. Burr of North Carolina and Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylvania, are retiring. The other two, Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah, the 2012 Republican presidential candidate, have long established their willingness to break with their party, and in particular with Mr. Trump.

Ms Murkowski is the only one in the group to face re-election next year, making her vote the most politically risky of all.

She remained famous in Washington even after losing a Republican primary in 2010 by defeating the Republican and Democratic candidates in a daring written campaign, and she did not seem troubled by the potential political consequences of her vote.

This could be in part influenced by a change in Alaska’s voting system: Voters in November approved a measure to eliminate party primaries and institute a tiered choice contest in which any candidate could win, weakening the influence of far-right voters who decide the most Republican. primary.

On Capitol Hill on Saturday, Ms Murkowski said she owed her constituents to vote the way she did. “If I can’t say what I believe our president should stand for, then why should I ask the Alaskans to support me?” she told reporters.

And in a scathing statement on Sunday, Ms Murkowski explained why she found Mr Trump guilty.

“If months of lies, organize a rally of supporters in an effort to thwart the work of Congress, encourage a crowd to march on Capitol Hill, then take no meaningful action to stop the violence once it has started.” is not worthy of impeachment, conviction and disqualification, ”she said,“ I can’t imagine what it is. “

Republicans had viewed Ms Murkowski as a likely senator to defect, along with Ms Collins. The two have previously linked arms to break with their party in important votes, including when they helped support a Republican-led effort to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. Ms Collins was re-elected in November, triumphing in a brutal contest few expected her to win, as voters reaffirmed their support for her long independent streak.

“This impeachment trial is not about a single word President Trump spoke on January 6, 2021,” Ms. Collins said in a Senate speech on Saturday. Rather, it is President Trump’s failure to abide by the oath he took on January 20, 2017. His actions to interfere with the peaceful transition of power – the hallmark of our Constitution and our American democracy – were a abuse of power and constitute grounds for conviction.

In the weeks leading up to the impeachment trial, Ms Collins huddled into several Zoom meetings with a team of attorneys, including outside advisers and members of her staff, to discuss the constitutionality of Judy’s trial. a former president and the possibility for Mr. Trump to hold a trial. defense based on his right to free speech, according to Richard H. Fallon Jr., professor of law at Harvard and adviser to Ms. Collins who participated in the discussions.

“I don’t think there was any substantial disagreement at the end on constitutional points,” he said.

Mr. Cassidy’s vote to condemn was less expected. A gastroenterologist who was easily re-elected in November for a second term, he is a reliable curator. But he has shown a growing willingness in recent weeks to topple his party in an effort to work with Mr. Biden and his fellow Democrats, and clearly less interest in Mr. Trump’s humor.

This approach has had an intense impact at home. The Louisiana Republican Party on Saturday offered to censor him for his vote, and Mr. Cassidy said people would be “appalled at how negative the comments on his Facebook page had become.

But he also said he had received “quite a bit of support” in texts and voter appeals – and that he expected that sentiment to grow.

“The president spent two months building this,” Mr. Cassidy said. “It’s going to be hard; people just don’t give up a deeply held belief in someone they trust, just like that. But the more the facts come out, the more people will move to this position. “

For his colleagues who are retiring, voters’ reactions were less worrying. Neither Mr. Burr nor Mr. Toomey were a particularly vocal critic of Mr. Trump while in office, and both were fiercely conservative on matters of policy, especially Mr. Toomey, a fiscal hawk and former president of the Pro-Business Club for Growth.

But the two mingled with the former president in their own way. While Mr. Trump continued to falsely claim he won the election, Mr. Toomey strongly pushed back and went so far as to criticize his own colleagues for trying to overturn the results.

Mr Burr, then chairman of the Intelligence Committee, subpoenaed Donald Trump Jr.’s testimony in 2019 as part of his work leading the only bipartisan congressional inquiry into Russian election interference. The son of the former president responded by launching a political war against the senator in an attempt to turn his party against him.

Perhaps the most predictable votes came from two of Mr. Trump’s most harsh criticisms in the Senate: Mr. Sasse and Mr. Romney, who was the only Republican to vote to convict Mr. Trump in his first trial of dismissal.

While the two senators have used equally scathing language to excuse the former president, they are at very different points in their careers. Mr. Romney, 73, after trying and failing to reach the White House, has positioned himself as a former statesman trying to deflect the party from Mr. Trump’s influence, regardless of the political fallout . Mr Sasse, 48, young and ambitious, has banked his hopes on leading a post-Trump Republican party.

Now Mr. Sasse faces censorship threats from the Nebraska Republican Party. An effort last year by a Republican Utah lawmaker to censor Mr. Romney for his first impeachment vote fell flat after the state’s Republican governor defended the senator, who faces re-election in 2024.

It is not known how much the seven senators discussed the verdict ahead of Saturday’s vote. But Mr. Cassidy quietly shared his decision with Mr. Burr during closing arguments in the trial, surreptitiously passing the North Carolina Republican a note in the Senate.

“I am a yes”, he said.

Mr. Burr nodded in silent agreement.

Emily cochrane and Nicolas fandos contribution to reports.

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Here are the seven Republicans who voted to condemn Trump.

Seven Republican senators voted on Saturday to convict former President Donald J. Trump in the most bipartisan vote for a presidential impeachment conviction in U.S. history. The margin was still 10 votes less than the two-thirds needed to find him guilty.

Who are the seven senators? Only one – Lisa Murkowski – is re-elected next year and she survived attacks from the front right. Two are retiring and three won new terms in November, so they won’t face voters until 2026.

Mr. Burr, 65, a senator since 2005, is not seeking re-election in 2022. Although he held Mr. Trump immediately responsible for the riot on Capitol Hill, he had voted against continuing the impeachment trial, and his decision to condemn came as a surprise.

“As I said on January 6, the president bears responsibility for these tragic events,” Burr said in a statement on Saturday. “The evidence is compelling that President Trump is guilty of inciting an insurgency against a branch of the same government and that the prosecution rises to the level of high crimes and misdemeanors. Therefore, I voted to condemn.

Mr. Cassidy, 63, senator since 2015, has just been re-elected. A few weeks ago, he voted against continuing the trial, but said he was persuaded by impeachment officials in the House.

“Our Constitution and our country are more important than anyone,” Mr. Cassidy said. “I voted to condemn President Trump because he is guilty.”

Ms Collins, 68, a senator since 1997, has just been re-elected for a fifth term. She has long criticized Mr. Trump’s actions, extending to the Capitol Riot.

“This attack was not a spontaneous outbreak of violence,” Collins told the Senate after the vote. “Rather, it was the culmination of a constant stream of provocations from President Trump aimed at overturning the results of the presidential election.”

Ms Murkowski, 63, a senator since 2002, is re-elected in 2022. She appealed for Democrats and Independents and won a written campaign in 2010 after losing the Republican primary. She harshly criticized Mr. Trump’s actions before and during the rampage on Capitol Hill, calling his conduct “illegal.”

“It’s not about me, my life and my job,” Murkowski told a Politico reporter who asked her about the political risk she took with her vote. “This is really what we stand for. If I can’t say what I think our president should represent, then why should I ask the Alaskans to support me?

Mr. Romney, 73, a senator since 2019, is the only Republican to vote to convict Mr. Trump in his first impeachment trial. A former presidential candidate, he made it clear after the attack on Capitol Hill that he held Mr. Trump responsible.

“President Trump attempted to corrupt the election by pressuring Georgia’s secretary of state to falsify election results in his state,” Romney said in a statement on Saturday. “President Trump instigated an insurgency against Congress by using the power of his office to summon his supporters to Washington on January 6 and urging them to march on Capitol Hill during the electoral count. He did so despite the obvious and well-known threats of violence that day. President Trump also violated his oath by failing to protect the Capitol, the Vice President, and others on Capitol Hill. Each of these conclusions compels me to support the conviction.

Mr. Sasse, 48, senator since 2015, has just been re-elected. He has frequently criticized Mr. Trump and has indicated he is prepared to condemn the former president.

“On election night in 2014, I promised the Nebraskans to always vote my conscience even if it was against the partisan trend,” Sasse said in a statement. “During my first speech here in the Senate in November 2015, I promised to speak up when a president – even of my own party – exceeds his powers. I cannot go back on my word, and Congress cannot lower our standards on such a serious issue, just because it is politically expedient.

Mr. Toomey, 59, a senator since 2011, is not seeking re-election in 2022. He had denounced Mr. Trump’s conduct; in a statement on Saturday, he said he decided at trial that the former president deserved to be found guilty.

“I listened to the arguments from both sides,” Mr. Toomey said, “and I thought the arguments for sentencing were much stronger.

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10 Republicans voted to impeach Trump. The game was fast.

Mr Norton said he believed Mr Meijer had erred in accusing Mr Trump of inciting the riot.

“We have a lot of people with a lot of passion and we can’t control everyone,” he said, before continuing to exaggerate the pockets of unrest that took place alongside the largely peaceful protests of the year. last for racial justice. “Blaming President Trump is the same as blaming Kamala Harris and Joe Biden for all the riots the antifa committed last summer.

Representative John Katko from central New York, who was the first GOP lawmaker to support impeachment, is one of the few remaining Republicans to represent a Democratic-leaning district. Some Republicans in his district were outraged by his vote.

“Not very happy” would be the polite way to put it, “said Fred Beardsley, chairman of the Oswego County Republican Committee. “We are very upset. I am extremely upset.

“I think Mr. Katko crossed a line,” he continued. “He overtook us.

For Mr. Katko and Reps Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, Anthony Gonzalez of Ohio, David Valadao of California, and Fred Upton and Mr. Meijer of Michigan, all Republicans who voted for impeachment are from States likely to lose seats in this year’s redistribution process, the shapes of the neighborhoods they might seek to represent in 2022 remain to be determined.

Lawmakers in the Democratic states of New York and Illinois could lure Mr Katko and Mr Kinzinger to districts represented by other sitting Republicans, potentially blocking the way for a Trumpian insurgent, while commissions will determine the boundaries districts in California, Michigan and Ohio.

Gene Koprowski, a conservative filmmaker who filed against Mr Kinzinger, said he did it to start fundraising, but is waiting for the Illinois legislature to redraw the maps of his congressional districts before officially launching a campaign.

The protesters of Ms. Cheney, who represents the only district of Wyoming, do not face the same calculation. Anthony Bouchard, a state senator, announced his campaign on Wednesday as President Biden was being inaugurated. Thursday night, he was a guest on Newsmax TV and Laura Ingraham’s program on Fox News.

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The council voted to close the schools, the parents revolted.

The anger over the decision to remote teach fall classes was chalked on Beth Martin’s sidewalk.

“OPEN SCHOOLS BETH,” scribbled an irate parent in July after ringing the front doorbell and confronting Ms. Martin, a 30-year-old retired librarian and member of the local school board.

“She didn’t swear to me, but she screamed,” recalls Ms. Martin. “I had to call the police.”

So began a semester that Ms. Martin described as a series of violent clashes and coronavirus-related quarantines in Wausau, a city of 38,000 people in central Wisconsin.

After virtually starting classes, the school board bowed to community pressure and voted to open schools to students in November – just as the pandemic was escalating in Wisconsin. Hundreds of students are said to be exposed to the virus in the community and forced to stay at home for two weeks, although a district spokeswoman said there were no deaths of staff or students. A few hospitalized staff subsequently recovered.

As the board grappled with difficult decisions, members clashed in a bitter feud that frustrated parents, making him and the administration a lightning rod in the community.

Similar conflicts erupted across the country, as school board members accustomed to hiring superintendents and approving annual budgets struggled to become instant public health experts, balancing teachers’ concerns about safety with the educational needs of students and the burden of working parents.

Parents in California, Salt Lake City, suburban Philadelphia and elsewhere sued school boards and local health officials, claiming their constitutional rights had been violated by the decision to close classrooms. An Arizona superintendent resigned after death threats were made to him and his family when he closed schools there in December.

The discord could leave many school leaders and their communities with the daunting task of rebuilding and mending relationships – amid previously unimaginable divisions – after the pandemic recedes.

Wausau, a small town on the Wisconsin River known for its granite quarries and ski slopes, was the rare district in the area to choose distance learning this fall, with the council following recommendations from the Superintendent’s Union and teachers, who said it was the safest option. District officials expected other systems to follow suit quickly as cases increased, but they did not.

“We were all of the opinion that within two to three weeks of opening we were all going to be virtual anyway,” said Keith Hilts, Wausau’s superintendent.

Before the vote, school board meetings in Wausau, a district of 8,000 students, were generally polite and uncrowded. But the decision to teach remotely seemed to split the community in two.

A vocal contingent of parents urged the council to reconsider. Its president, Tricia Zunker, has been harassed, including on Facebook, where someone wrote that maybe her mask should be adjusted tight enough to prevent her from breathing.

April Van Rixel, 28, whose daughter is in third grade, was one of the parents who pushed for in-person classes. She opened a Facebook page where like-minded parents could organize themselves and it was the mother who confronted Ms Martin at her home in July.

“We all started to come together,” she says. “We have seen the turmoil in our children. The social and academic damage has been immeasurable. Why was it not the priority? (Ms Van Rixel added that she had ‘gone a little bit crazy’ at Ms Martin’s and would eventually like to apologize to her.)

For months, the July decision stood firm: teachers came to school but taught virtually from their classrooms, and students learned at home, on their laptops.

But officials feared many families were dropping out of Wausau public schools. More than 430 students – just over 5 percent – left the district when the decision was made to teach remotely. Some families, like Ms. Van Rixel’s, have enrolled in a different school district, an option granted under a school choice policy in Wisconsin, or have moved to private school. Others have moved away.

In Wisconsin, where funding is tied to registration, the exodus has sounded the alarm on the district’s future. At the same time, parents pointed out that the spread of the virus in Wausau was comparable to that of neighboring communities where students were attending in person.

And there were early signs that school performance was suffering: Unmotivated absences rose and grades fell. First-year high school students received 856 F in the first trimester, up from 189 in the same period last year.

After months of debate, the board voted to open schools to blended learning in early November, giving families the option of teaching students in class on certain days or virtually. Superintendent Dr. Hilts supported the change, deciding that in-person learning was safe with the right precautions. He was also influenced by a survey showing that around 65% of families in Wausau wanted an in-person learning opportunity.

The decision came at a critical time: in the fall, the coronavirus was on the rise in Wausau, which had among the highest per capita cases in the country. In early November, the Wausau area was recording an average of 145 new coronavirus infections each day, according to a New York Times tracking project.

“We were going back to school as the pandemic worsened,” said board member Ms. Martin.

Safety precautions have been instituted, including a mask warrant for everyone and limited movement for elementary school children, who have spent most of their days this fall in a classroom, including lunch. art, music and science.

“Like everyone else, I was anxious,” said John Masanz, a high school English teacher and president of the Wausau teachers’ union, who opposed returning to classes in person. “I have to listen to a lot of different factions. I also have a high school student living at home and I knew it was important to come back to teaching face to face. I’ll be honest with you, I was torn.

Since the in-person classes began, hundreds of students and staff have switched between classroom and home, observing a two-week quarantine if they had any potential exposure. District officials said they had no documented cases of transmission at the school, but as of January 12, nearly 200 students and staff were in quarantine.

“Our community is not escalating,” Ms. Martin said, noting that transmission of the virus remains high in Wausau. “I’m waiting for the other shoe to drop where we say, ‘You know what, we’ve got to go virtual again.'”

For teachers, the anxiety is “through the roof,” Masanz said. So does the tension in the community, which in November voted against two referendums that would have raised $ 158 million for capital improvements and other costs to the school district.

“I hope we can overcome this divide and come together as a community,” said Mr. Masanz. “And resume your studies normally.”

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Wisconsin faces a challenge: getting the vote when most people have already voted

MILWAUKEE – As Wisconsin suffers the worst coronavirus outbreak of any presidential battlefield, the state’s Democratic Party is calling and texting voters instead of going door-to-door. The Biden campaign’s voting effort in the state is entirely virtual.

People like Rita Saavedra, who takes polling day off from her job as a community relations officer for a local health insurance company, step into the void so they can drive friends and family to their sites. vote.

“I reach out to everyone I know, to everyone who hasn’t voted yet,” she said. “I’ll even go home and get them out of bed.

With early voting and more time for a mail-in ballot to arrive before the Election Day deadline in Wisconsin, the typically Herculean task of reminding voters in person to go to the polls and, in many many cases, transporting them there, is left to an informal group of volunteers like Ms. Saavedra, 43. It comes as the entire infrastructure of the State Democratic Party and the Joseph R. Biden Jr. campaign is focused on calling and texting the small universe of potential supporters who haven’t. vote.

The full push towards an official online campaign comes as Wisconsin is experiencing a coronavirus spike unlike any other swing state. The average daily number of cases in the state was the third highest in the country per capita over the past week. Only one other presidential battlefield, Iowa, is in the top 12.

Absentee turnout in Wisconsin so far represents 84% ​​of the state’s electorate in 2016. But there are still people in voice-rich urban and suburban areas who have yet to vote. .

“It’s very strange how we’re inevitably going to have the most volunteers on election day, but this gigantic number of volunteers is going to work to get a much smaller number of votes,” said Ben Wikler, Democrats of Wisconsin president. “There’s some sort of extra return on garden signs, chalk murals and holding a sign near a grocery store and all the things that humans can do using atoms instead of atoms. ‘electrons.’

There is ample evidence that Democratic participation in Wisconsin is skyrocketing.

Five counties near Milwaukee, where enthusiasm was lagging behind Hillary Clinton, exceeded their turnout in 2016, according to Wisconsin Election Commission data released Sunday. Dane County, the most democratic county in the state and the seat of Madison, is also around 1,000 votes.

In Milwaukee County, 93% of the 2016 electorate have already voted, although the numbers are higher in the suburbs than in the much more democratic city of Milwaukee.

At the same time, the 24 counties in the state with the lowest pre-election turnout compared to 2016 are all rural enclaves that voted for President Trump four years ago.

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Still, state Republicans believe his presidential race is much closer than public polls suggest. A New York Times and Siena College poll released on Sunday found that Mr. Biden had an 11-point advantage over Mr. Trump.

“The absentee Democrats’ lead has evaporated over the past four to five days as voters in Republican areas rushed to vote early in person,” said Matt Batzel, executive director of American Majority Action, a conservative group. “I’ve never seen anything like it.”

In Milwaukee, groups have spent the last few days driving around town in the backs of flatbed trucks, blocking while holding large “VOTE” signs. In Madison, volunteers who have reportedly knocked on doors reminding people to vote instead hold signs on busy street corners. At night, the Democratic National Committee projects recalls to vote on the sides of buildings on University of Wisconsin campuses in both cities.

And instead of large rallies over the last weekend of the campaign, Democrats in Wisconsin staged a dizzying number of virtual events aimed at hard-core supporters and local media.

Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont spoke at a virtual rally as the party hosted virtual phone banks featuring locally elected officials, musicians, NBA Milwaukee Bucks players and Pete Souza, the photographer official of the White House under the Obama administration.

On Sunday, Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, appeared on Sunday with Senator Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin at invitation-only events at private homes, a nod to the deteriorating situation of state public health.

There is more appetite for canvassing and in-person events in states where the pandemic is somewhat less severe. In Pennsylvania, Democrats spent the weekend marching in Philadelphia. Barack Obama campaigned in Michigan on Saturday and was scheduled to hold rallies in Florida and Georgia on Monday. A group called Walk the Vote held parades to hand ballots to ballot boxes in 48 cities across 12 states over the weekend, but only one parade was held in Wisconsin, in the leafy, liberal suburb of Milwaukee. at Whitefish Bay.

And in Texas, Tom Perez, the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, is perplexed with Gilberto Hinojosa, the state’s Democratic president, while Mr. Hinojosa has led the door-to-door canvassing that the Biden campaign has banned.

“It’s our money, our money is used to knock on doors all over South Texas,” Hinojosa said. “This is the breach zone where you have to do everything to increase the turnout.”

Republicans in Wisconsin have taken a more aggressive approach to the in-person campaign than their Democratic counterparts. Senator Ron Johnson, Representative Bryan Steil and former Governor Scott Walker appeared before crowds in Kenosha and several other campaign stops in Southeastern Wisconsin on Saturday. Melania Trump, the first lady, spoke to a crowd in West Bend.

And conservative groups like Mr. Batzel’s have spent the final days of the campaign knocking on tens of thousands of doors trying to convince voters to support both Mr. Trump and the Republican Wisconsin candidates for the legislature. state, who face a potential bloodshed if Tuesday results reflect a poll showing Mr Biden with a sizable lead.

Mr Batzel polled in West Allis, a largely white working-class Milwaukee suburb on Friday, in a neighborhood where Mr Trump won 53% to 40% for Ms Clinton.

Mr. Batzel’s organization is betting there is a competitive advantage in knocking on doors and welcoming voters in person, even at a distance of six feet.

During 90 minutes door-to-door, Mr Batzel found 13 Trump voters, three people who said they would vote for Mr Biden and nine people who had already done so.

“I usually vote in person, but with Covid I figured I’d stay safe,” said Jodi Hansen, 36, a customer service representative who told Mr Batzel she had already voted for M Biden.

Later that afternoon, Rance Frankum, 38, a quality assurance technician, told Mr. Batzel he planned to vote for Mr. Trump at the polls on election day.

“I just know I have no complaints about the way the world is under his administration,” Mr. Frankum said.

Milwaukee voters who voted Saturday afternoon at the Tippecanoe branch of the public library expressed varying degrees of exasperation at the onslaught of calls, texts and mail they had received from various parties, campaigns and external groups.

“I get them every two hours from random people,” said Marilisa Gonzalez, 36, vice president of a commercial cleaning company. “I am not reading messages and I have unknown calls blocked.”

For people who haven’t voted, calls and texts won’t stop until the polls close on Tuesday evening.

“They’ll look for any phone number that doesn’t have a checkmark that says, ‘We know they voted,’” said State Senator Janet Bewley, Democratic leader. “They are going to keep calling and calling.”

In Madison, where only 35,587 registered voters in a city of 258,000 have not yet voted, according to the city clerkDemocratic volunteers scour their dwindling lists of residents to contact early each day and spend the rest of their time calling voters across the state.

“We have the most volunteers and the fewest people to vote,” said Alexia Sabor, Dane County Democratic chairperson.

Even Ms Sabor, who voted weeks ago, said she still receives several texts a day from other liberal groups reminding her to vote. “People are tired of all the texting and calling,” she says.

On Saturday, Ms Saavedra got a head start on her vote on Tuesday by pushing her nephew Juan A. Saavedra, 19, to vote for Mr Biden early.

“She got me out of bed and told me I had to vote,” Saavedra said. “I was going to wait until Tuesday but she wouldn’t let me.

Ms Saavedra, who voted two weeks ago, said she plans to bring at least 10 people to the polls on Tuesday.

“I wouldn’t necessarily be looking for a foreigner,” she says. “But I stopped people in the street and asked them, ‘Have you ever voted?'”

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Video: ‘We just voted’: Biden votes in Delaware

new video loaded: ‘We just voted’: Biden votes in Delaware

transcription

transcription

‘We just voted’: Biden votes in Delaware

Democratic presidential candidate Joseph R. Biden Jr. voted in his home state of Delaware on Wednesday.

[cheering] Well, we just voted. [reporters shouting questions]

Recent episodes of United States and politics

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Astronaut Kate Rubins voted from space, joining millions of early voters.

About 250 miles above Earth, circling the planet at 17,500 miles an hour aboard the International Space Station, American astronaut Kathleen Rubins voted in the election, joining millions of others across the country who voted early.

“If we can do it from space, then I think people can do it from the ground too,” she said in a video posted to the NASA website.

Astronaut and marine biologist Ms. Rubins, who passes by Kate, was the first person to sequence DNA in space on a mission in 2016. As part of her current mission, she is conducting experiments related to the cardiovascular system.

In fact, Ms. Rubins might have had an easier time voting from space than if she were back on Earth.

In New York City, where early voting began on Saturday, tens of thousands of voters waited hours to vote, queues stretching for blocks outside polling stations. Similar scenes have been reported in other states.

As Election Day is still eight days away, more than 60 million Americans have already voted, beating the turnout record in early 2016.

Astronauts have been voting from space since 1997, when lawmakers in Texas put in place a technical process for them to vote. Many astronauts choose to enroll in Texas because they train at NASA’s Johnson Space Center in Houston.

Ms Rubins skipped the lines, but had to take a few extra steps to vote from space. First, before her rocket launched, she signaled her intention to participate in the election by filling out a federal postcard application, the same form filled out by military personnel serving outside the United States, NASA said in a post on their website.

The next step, like most things at NASA, involved a trial run. The county clerk sent a ballot to a team at the Houston Space Center, where officials checked if they could fill out the ballot and return it.

After the test, the space centre’s mission control center linked Ms. Rubins’ ballot. From space, she cast her ballot, which officials downlinked and emailed back to the county clerk’s office.

Ms Rubins’ vote, cast last week, came well ahead of the 7 p.m. election day deadline for astronauts.

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“ I voted for a guy named Trump, ” the president said after voting in person in Florida.

President Trump traveled to West Palm Beach, Florida on Saturday morning to vote early and in person in the 2020 election after spending months making unsubstantiated statements about voter fraud in an election during which polls showed him he was following Joe Biden.

Mr. Trump voted at the West Palm Beach Main Library, about a year after moving his primary residence to Palm Beach, Florida from Manhattan. Early voting centers opened in critical battlefield condition on Saturday, but millions of Floridians have already voted by mail.

“I voted for a guy named Trump,” the president said, according to a report from the pool. Mr. Trump also noted that his experience had been “perfect” and that “it was a very safe vote.”

Mr Trump wore a mask during the morning shutdown, the pool report also said. Kayleigh McEnany, the White House press secretary, told the Pool reporter that there was no one else inside the library voting at the same time as Mr. Trump and that he had voted on paper.

Mr Trump voted by mail in August in the Florida primaries, although he has repeatedly argued, without evidence, that postal voting invites fraud. More broadly, Mr. Trump has asserted that the 2020 election will be “the most corrupt election in our country’s history.”

In fact, numerous independent studies and government reviews have concluded that voter fraud is extremely rare in any form, including postal voting.

On Saturday morning, the President’s motorcade left Mar-a-Lago at 9.43am and arrived at the library about 10 minutes later. Supporters of Mr. Trump waited at the site and applauded his arrival, according to the pool report. The procession took off at around 10:20 a.m. and was headed for the Palm Beach airport.

The president is expected to appear later Saturday in Lumberton, North Carolina and then travel to Ohio and Wisconsin, a trio of crucial swing states.