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The victories in Georgia give the Democrats control of the Senate.

Democrats took control of the Senate on Wednesday by winning both races in Georgia’s second round, an electoral repudiation by President Trump that will give the incoming Democratic administration greater political leeway even as the victory has been temporarily overshadowed by the violent Trump supporters who stormed the United States Capitol. the name of the evicted holder.

The election of Rev. Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff was a political triumph for the Democratic Party in a state that has blocked it for decades. It was also a jarring split-screen encapsulation of the policies of progress and grievances that defined Mr. Trump’s administration and the changing country he has sworn to serve.

On the same day Georgia elected Mr. Ossoff, a 33-year-old Jewish documentary maker, and Mr. Warnock, a 51-year-old pastor who would become the state’s first black senator, an almost all-white crowd of aggrieved Trump . partisans, some carrying Confederate flags, descended on Washington to challenge political reality.

Mr Warnock’s Twitter feed showed how quickly the mood of Democrats has changed. At 1:55 p.m. EST, he wire rack his victory by thanking Georgian voters, saying he was “forever grateful”. In two hours it was quoting another pastor from Ebenezer Baptist Church – Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. – with a message of solidarity in the face of hatred and bigotry.

“Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do it,” Mr Warnock wrote. “Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can.” He added, in his own words: “May each of us try to be a light to see our country come out of this dark moment.”

Georgia has not sent a Democrat to the Senate for two decades, and the party has succeeded this year by focusing heavily on voter registration and turnout, especially in suburban counties and Atlanta and Savannah. . It was a strategy devised in part by Stacey Abrams, a former state House leader and gubernatorial candidate, who focused on tackling voter suppression in the state.

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The suburbs helped elect Biden. Can they also give Democrats the Senate?

DECATUR, Georgia – President Trump has staked his re-election on a very specific vision of the American suburb: a 2020 Mayfield edition of “Leave It to Beaver” in which residents are white, feel minorities, and prioritize their own -be economical on all other concerns.

The bet was very short. Mr. Trump has lost ground with suburban voters across the country. And particularly in Georgia, where rapidly changing demographics have made it the most racially diverse political battleground in the country, his speech has been at odds with reality.

From the inner suburbs surrounding Atlanta and stretching to traditionally conservative suburbs, Democrats have benefited from two big changes: black, Latin American and Asian residents moving to formerly white communities and an increase in the number of moderates and white conservatives, college graduates on Mr. Trump.

These factors helped President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. become the first Democrat to win Georgia since 1992. And the Senate second-round elections in January will test whether those Biden voters supported his platform or simply did. sought to remove a single holder that divides.

Although Mr. Trump is not on the ballot next month, he is very involved in the race and did not moderate his message despite his criticism at the polls. The hope is, to some extent, that the ground that failed with suburban voters last month will work when Democratic Senate control is on the line.

“Very simply, you will decide whether your children will grow up in a socialist country or whether they will grow up in a free country,” Trump told the crowd at a rally on Saturday in Valdosta, Georgia. “And I will tell you this, socialist is just the beginning for these people. These people want to go beyond socialism. They want to enter into a form of communist government.

Mr. Trump was campaigning on behalf of Republican Senators David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler, who each have distinct political markings that could pose a challenge for Democrats. It’s a challenge Democrats seek to overcome, especially among suburban voters, by keeping Mr. Trump front and center.

Jon Ossoff, the Democratic candidate who finished about two percentage points behind Mr Perdue, who sent their race to the second round, argues this case at almost every campaign stoppage: If the Senate remains in Republicans’ hands, it will block the change Georgia voted for when it elected Mr. Biden.

Carolyn Bourdeaux is the only Democrat to topple a House district this year. She won in the northeast suburbs of Atlanta and, like Mr. Biden, embraced her experience as a moderate, bipartisan ideological negotiator.

“The Biden effect was probably split-ticket voters,” she said.

The second round, she said, is about turnout, not voters crossing a party expelling a president.

“You make your people vote,” she said. “So one of the things you need is a real, solid field operation on the ground.”

Ms Bourdeaux’s victory – and that of Mr Biden – cracked a code for Southern Democrats and highlights the changing nature of the electorate in suburban Atlanta, which has helped the party succeed. It was an effort sparked by neighborhood-level organizers, accelerated by an unpopular president, and postponed to the finish line due to changes in suburban Atlanta and in small towns across the state, which have showed significant fluctuations towards Mr. Biden.

In Atlanta, long known as the “black mecca” for its concentration of black wealth and political power, the proportion of white residents has steadily increased. In the suburbs, black residents who relocated and a diverse collection of newcomers fueled democratic change. This includes a growing Latin American population, an influx of Asian Americans, and college-educated white voters who may have supported Mr. Trump in 2016 but turned against him.

The result is a tipping state where the “typical” suburban voter can take many forms. There’s Kim Hall, a 56-year-old woman who moved to suburb Cobb County eight years ago from Texas and attended a rally for Mr. Ossoff in Kennesaw. And Ali Hossain, a 63-year-old doctor who brags about his children and cares about the economy; he attended an event for Mr. Ossoff at Decatur. He is also an immigrant from Bangladesh who began to organize for state and national applicants.

“Asians and South Asians – we’re getting big here,” Hossain said. “This time it was history. When I went to vote early, I saw thousands of people online. People were fed up with Trump.

In Henry County, about 30 miles southeast of Atlanta, Mr. Biden improved his party’s performance nearly five times in 2016. Four years ago, Hillary Clinton defeated Mr. Trump by four percentage points. In 2020, Mr. Biden won by more than 20 points.

Michael Burns, chairman of the Henry County Democratic Party, said he expected interest to drop between the general election and the run-off. Instead, he’s been overwhelmed by investments from national groups and more local organizers than he knows what to do.

For the second round, “we had to turn down volunteers,” Burns said.

It’s part of a larger shift, said Robert Silverstein, a Democratic political strategist who has worked on several races in Georgia. Some assume that suburban voters are universally moderate and white, non-members of the party’s diverse base or progressives. Mr Silverstein said in order for Democrats to win the second round in January and continue to win in countries like Georgia, they need to both energize and persuade.

He noted that in 1992 when Bill Clinton carried the state, Atlanta’s wealthiest suburbs were “blood red.” Today, he said, the coalitions are very different.

Yet the patchwork that made the 2020 Democratic coalition possible is nascent and fragile, and could be overcome by a vigorous Republican electorate. The two Democratic Senate candidates will need to improve their performances in November, when Reverend Dr. Raphael Warnock beat a divided Republican field and Mr. Ossoff ran firmly behind Mr. Biden.

Republicans are confident that their base will reveal itself, and that the prospect of a unified Democratic government under Mr. Biden would deter some conservatives fearing fiscal and cultural change.

The location of their campaign events is indicative of their priorities: Republicans have moved widely away from the Atlanta metro area to focus on increasing turnout in more rural parts of the state. On Saturday, the two candidates gathered with President Trump in Valdosta. The city, which is close to Florida and has a large military and naval community, is geographically three hours from Atlanta but even further in terms of pace and culture.

Democrats are hopeful that Mr. Trump’s involvement will lead to a backlash that will help them solidify the suburban vote. Last week, in a steady stream of public events, Mr. Ossoff hammered home the Republican response to the coronavirus pandemic to Asian-American voters in Decatur, a town in DeKalb County, near Atlanta. At an event near a local university in Cobb County, another evolving suburban area, he called Mr Perdue a coward for refusing to debate it and also criticized Ms Loeffler.

“Like Bonnie and Clyde, we run into political corruption in America,” Ossoff said.

Some Georgia Republicans have privately expressed their embarrassment with Ms Loeffler and Mr Perdue, who have moved closer to Mr Trump and practically abandoned the moderate center outreach in favor of an all-base participation strategy.

Whit Ayres, a veteran Republican pollster in Georgia, said Republican erosion in inner suburbs – and to a lesser extent in conservative suburbs – blunted the advantage Republicans had enjoyed in the run-off election in the past. While white evangelicals and religious conservatives remain a core of the Republican base, and form part of the suburban electorate, some Republicans fear that such problem-motivated voters may be put off by senators’ willingness to tap into. Trump-induced conspiracy theories and misinformation.

Mr Ayres said both sides had hurdles to overcome before January. Republicans have a divisive president within their party, and Democrats must mobilize communities that have typically served in non-presidential elections. They cannot, he said, rely on the same coalition that formed in November.

“Are these now permanent Democratic voters? No, not at all, ”he said. “They are in transition, and they have been largely put off by the conduct and behavior of the president.”

Democratic candidates, the state Democratic Party and outside groups have put in place daily canvassing efforts to register and engage voters – again. Democrats have also taken notice of a poll which shows Mr Ossoff does worse against Mr Perdue than Dr Warnock does against Ms Loeffler.

Few people expect the drop to be so steep that parties will split Senate seats in the end. Two Democratic wins or two Republican wins are much more likely, a contest determined by whether the Liberals can match a forceful Conservative electorate that has often been insurmountable in the state’s run-off election.

“The demographics are changing. And the whites, the more educated voters in Fulton and Cobb counties, they became anti-Trump very quickly, ”said Mr. Silverstein, the Democratic strategist. “My hope, as a Democratic operator, is that they stay that way. But that’s the challenge here. There are still a lot of Republicans in these suburbs.

Last week in Alpharetta, just north of Atlanta, a “Stop the Steal” protest underscored the state’s messy political landscape and sent a mixed message to suburban voters.

“We are not going to vote Jan. 5 on another machine made by China,” said L. Lin Wood, the lawyer who has become a conservative hero in recent weeks, echoing the president’s baseless claims of fraud electoral. He challenged Mr Perdue and Ms Loeffler to speak more about the cancellation of the election.

During Mr. Ossoff’s event in Kennesaw, several of his supporters found statements like Mr. Wood’s ominous, and a sign that every part of their state – cities, suburbs and rural areas – is changing d ‘in a way that shows that Georgians are further apart than ever. .

Tamekia Bell, a 39-year-old woman who returned to the northwestern suburb of Smyrna after years in the Washington area, said it was up to voters who delivered to Mr Biden in November to deliver again.

“This hope that we feel,” Ms. Bell said. “It won’t mean anything if Biden comes in and can’t do anything.”

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Democrats should ditch “defund the police” and give Ocasio-Cortez a bigger platform, Obama says.

President Obama trod a delicate political path during a recent online book tour promoting his new memoir, “The Promised Land” – as an enduring darling of left-wing youth who doubles as a critic to gray models.

Case in point: During an appearance on Snapchat’s “Good Luck America”, the former president called on progressives to drop slogans like “defund the police” – while berating, moments later, the elders the party for failing to spotlight young stars like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez from New York.

“If you think, like me, that we should be able to reform the criminal justice system so that it is unbiased and treats everyone fairly, I guess you can use a catchy slogan, like” Defund the police, “Mr. Obama said on the show host Peter Hamby in the episode, which was released Monday.

“But, you know, you lost a big following the moment you say it, which makes it a lot less likely that you actually get the changes you wanted,” he added.

Many Democrats, including Mr. Obama, have suggested that Republicans were able to turn the slogan “defund” into a weapon during the election by falsely accusing Democrats of pushing to abolish entire departments when most of the party advocated restructuring existing agencies to reduce police violence.

But the “lively” joke drew instant criticism – polite but pointed – from several leading progressives, including Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, who tweeted: “We are losing people to the police. It is not a slogan but a political request.

Mr. Obama struck a significantly different note when the discussion shifted to this summer’s Democratic National Convention, which featured a nodding appearance by Ms. Ocasio-Cortez.

The first-year lawmaker backed President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr., often on less than enthusiastic terms, after supporting Sen. Bernie Sanders in the primary. (Democrats close to Mr Biden said at the time that the brevity of Ms Ocasio-Cortez’s appearance was not insignificant, but admitted that Mr Biden’s more enthusiastic supporters had more than airtime.)

“The Democratic National Convention, I think, has really succeeded given the pandemic and has really put technology to good use,” Obama said in the interview.

“But, you know, the fact that an AOC gets it, what? Three or five minutes? When she speaks to a wide range of young people who are interested in what she has to say, even if they don’t agree with everything she says, ”he added .

“You give it a platform, just like there may be other young Democrats who come from more conservative regions who have a different point of view. But new blood is always good, ”Mr. Obama said.

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Obama: Democrats should ditch “defund the police” and give Ocasio-Cortez a bigger platform.

President Obama trod a delicate political path during a recent online book tour promoting his new memoir, “The Promised Land” – as an enduring darling of the young left who doubles down on his criticism of Gray Models.

Case in point: During an appearance on Snapchat’s “Good Luck America”, the former president called on progressives to drop slogans like “defund the police” – while berating, moments later, the elders the party for failing to spotlight young stars like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez from New York.

“If you think, like me, that we should be able to reform the criminal justice system so that it is unbiased and treats everyone fairly, I guess you can use a catchy slogan, like” Defund the police, “Mr. Obama said on the show host Peter Hamby in the episode, which was released Monday.

“But, you know, you lost a big following the moment you say it, which makes it a lot less likely that you actually get the changes you wanted,” he added.

Many Democrats, including Mr. Obama, have suggested that Republicans were able to turn the slogan “defund” into a weapon during the election by falsely accusing Democrats of pushing to abolish entire departments when most of the party advocated restructuring existing agencies to reduce police violence.

But the “lively” joke drew instant criticism – polite but pointed – from several leading progressives, including Representative Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, who tweeted: “We are losing people to the police. It is not a slogan but a political request.

Mr. Obama struck a significantly different note when the discussion shifted to this summer’s Democratic National Convention, which featured a nodding appearance by Ms. Ocasio-Cortez.

The first-year lawmaker backed President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr., often on less than enthusiastic terms, after supporting Sen. Bernie Sanders in the primary. (Democrats close to Mr Biden said at the time that the brevity of Ms Ocasio-Cortez’s appearance was not insignificant, but admitted that Mr Biden’s more enthusiastic supporters had more than airtime.)

“The Democratic National Convention, I think, has really succeeded given the pandemic and has really put technology to good use,” Obama said in the interview.

“But, you know, the fact that an AOC gets it, what? Three or five minutes? When she speaks to a wide range of young people who are interested in what she has to say, even if they don’t agree with everything she says, ”he added .

“You give it a platform, just like there may be other young Democrats who come from more conservative regions who have a different point of view. But new blood is always good, ”Mr. Obama said.

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Biden called on Republicans to give him a chance. They are not interested.

MASON, Texas – The change to the Sunday prayer service was so subtle that it went unnoticed by many worshipers. Nestled between appeals for divine health and wisdom, Reverend Fred Krebs of Saint Paul’s Lutheran Church, who rarely discusses politics, fleetingly referred to this month’s presidential election.

“We pray for a peaceful transition,” he told his congregation of 50 people. The carefully chosen words underscored the political reality in Mason, a rural and conservative town of around 2,000 residents, following Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory over President Trump. Not everyone thought the election was over and not everyone said they would respect the results.

“My Democratic friends think Biden is going to heal everything and unify everyone,” said Jeanie Smith, who attends the more conservative Spring Street Gospel Church in Mason, which is about 100 miles west of Austin. “They are deceived.”

“Now you want the healing,” she added. “Now you want to get together. You didn’t deserve it. “

This is the harsh reality that Mr. Biden faces, even after winning a race in which he has won a larger share of the popular vote than any challenger since 1932. In front of him stands a wall of Republican resistance. , starting with Mr. Trump’s refusal to concede, extending to the reluctance of GOP lawmakers to recognize his victory and extending, perhaps most importantly for long-term US policy, to ordinary voters who firmly deny the result of the election.

Everything is a far cry from how Mr Biden framed this election, from the race for the Democratic primary to his victory speech last weekend. He presented the moment as a chance for the country to break down the political divide that Mr. Trump has fueled, promising to mend the ideological, racial and geographic cracks that have turned into abysses since 2016. Announcing his campaign, he did so. called an opportunity to restore “The Soul of the Nation.” Last weekend he said, “May this dark era of demonization in America begin to end here and now.”

But on election day, Republican turnout rose across the country – especially in rural areas like Mason, which, along with his surrounding county, had some of the biggest percentage increases in voter turnout in Texas. Democratic dreams of a landslide were thwarted as Republicans grabbed surprise victories in the House and became favorites to retain control of the Senate. In the days that followed, thousands of Mr. Trump’s most staunch supporters gathered across the country, including in Texas, to protest Mr. Biden’s triumph as illegitimate.

“We are ready to accept the results, as long as they are fair, correctly executed and correctly certified,” said Sherrie Strong, another supporter of the president. She, like others, took Mr. Trump’s position that it was odd that he had led in so many places because of in-person votes on election day, only to be passed once the ballots were cast. by correspondence were counted on election night and day by day. Who followed. (The delay in counting mail-in ballots in several states was due to restrictions imposed by the Republican state legislatures.)

“It’s just a little overwhelming when you go to bed at night, and all of a sudden, four days later, those votes magically appear,” Ms. Strong said.

Mr Biden’s message had political appeal, motivating a crucial slice of voters who helped him bring Democrats back to power.

Ann Mahnken, a 72-year-old conservative who attends the Lutheran church, said the prospect of her coming closer to the country was the reason why, after voting for Mr Trump in 2016, she chose the Democratic candidate this time around.

“I couldn’t stand the way our country is,” she said. “I didn’t want to go through four more years, not in my senior life. I didn’t want to go through another four years of chaos and division.

Mark Lehmberg, a fellow parishioner who voted for Mr Trump this year after stepping away in 2016, said he had given up on the concept of unity – and he advised Ms Mahnken to do the same. He supported the president because he didn’t want the economy to shut down because of the coronavirus.

“Relations are already in jeopardy,” said Lehmberg. “It’s going to be difficult – impossible – to get people to come together.

On Monday in Dallas, hundreds of Mr. Trump’s supporters gathered outside the city’s election office for a “Stop the Steal” protest promoted by the state’s Republican Party. The message from speakers and attendees went beyond expressing fears of electoral fraud, amounting to a massive rejection of a Biden presidency and Republican elected officials who recognized it. One speaker said of Republican lawmakers who called Mr. Biden the president-elect: “Remember who they are when you go to the polls next.”

“It’s a contempt of half the country by the other half of the country,” said Paul Feeser, 61, who attended the protest in Dallas. “So if the conclusion was for Biden, I would consider it illegitimate, and I and many others expect to be part of the so-called resistance – while Trump has resisted.”

Karen Bell, who was also present at the rally, said her distrust centers on postal voting.

“In those swing states he was ahead and then all of a sudden in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania they stopped counting,” Ms. Bell said, echoing conspiracy theories on the counting. votes. “And then we wake up and suddenly Biden is in the lead. These mysterious votes all came for Biden and zero for Trump. There really is something fishy there.

Asked about any evidence of widespread electoral fraud, given that election officials, including Republicans, have consistently rejected the allegations, Ms. Bell cited right-wing conspiratorial sites like Infowars. Election officials made it clear: there is no evidence of widespread electoral fraud.

No matter what happens next, “I won’t believe the election was fair,” Ms. Bell said. “I won’t believe he’s a legitimate winner.”

The feeling that Mr. Trump’s refusal to concede is justified and that Mr. Biden’s rise to the presidency should not be recognized is not universal for Republicans. A recent Reuters / Ipsos poll found that nearly 80% of Americans believe Mr. Biden won, including about 60% of Republicans.

But other polls have provided mixed results, including a Politico / Morning Consult survey showing that the number of Republicans who don’t believe this year’s election was free and fair has doubled from 35% before the day. 70% of the ballot.

In Texas, conservatives sang after Democratic hopes of overthrowing the state and gaining control of the legislature failed to materialize. Despite this, state leaders also complied with the president’s baseless attempts to label the election unfair – and the state’s Republican Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick offered $ 1 million to anyone who produced evidence of electoral fraud.

But even in Mason, some of the president’s supporters urged the party to move on. “It’s over – that’s exactly what it is,” said Jay Curry, 44, who arrived to eat at the Willow Creek Cafe and Club with his wife and two children.

The president’s refusal to concede “just means more unrest and more division,” Mr. Curry said. “We are divided. It’s red and blue. And they are more against each other than they are trying to help anyone.

His wife, Andrea, was more optimistic.

“I think every president we’ve had has never intentionally hurt our country,” she said. “They are going to do their best and that’s all we can hope for.”

Mr. Biden, she added, “will not intentionally crash our country.”

His hope stood out in a landscape of terror. Pastor Krebs, the Lutheran minister, said the reason the election seemed existential to some was because it represented a referendum on more than just politics.

As a community leader who arrived in Mason shortly before the 2016 election, he said, he saw how the city’s views on the president are embedded in other issues, including the white majority’s relationship with Latin American residents and a backlash against Black Lives Matter protesters. struggle for political power.

At the same time, said Pastor Krebs, sweeping generalizations do not do justice to the complexity of the community.

“Defining people strictly by their parties is not a good thing,” he said. “And I’ve learned that sometimes people think more deeply when they enter a conversation than when we just start labeling ourselves.”

Ms Smith, 67, and her husband, Dennis, 69, linked their unequivocal support for the president – even in the event of defeat – to broader cultural concerns.

Like Mr. Biden and his supporters, the Smiths saw this election as a battle for the soul of the country. To unify with Mr. Biden would be an admission that the battle is lost and that the multicultural tide that fuels his victory will continue to rise.

“Whatever I’ve worked for, Biden wants to give to immigrants to help them with a living, when they are doing nothing but sit on their butt,” Smith said.

“And if these protesters come here, if they tear up stuff, I guarantee you they won’t stay in this city very long,” he added. “We’re going to chain them up and send them out of here – and it won’t be the same way they came in.”

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Hispanic voters give Trump victory in Texas


Demographic shifts and a backlash from the suburbs did not prevent President Trump from taking the Lone Star State, but by a smaller margin than in 2016. Even though urban and suburban areas have moved in large numbers to the Democrats, many southern Hispanic voters abruptly left the Democratic Party. coalition.

San AntonioDallasAustinLaredoEl PasoMcAllenHouston

Shift since 2016

In counties that have declared almost all of their votes

More democratic

More republican

The Rio Grande Valley shifted decisively toward Mr. Trump, as heavily Hispanic areas along the border with Mexico, including Hidalgo, home of McAllen, delivered enough votes to help cancel the impact of white voters in urban and suburban areas.

Starr, a rural border county hit by high rates of coronavirus this summer, has seen the biggest change. Hillary Clinton won the county by 60 percentage points in 2016; Joseph R. Biden Jr. won it by just five. Other border counties, including Maverick, Hidalgo and Cameron, have also shifted sharply to the right compared to 2016.


There was an indication of a Republican-leaning Hispanic movement when former Rep. Beto O’Rourke, a Democrat, lost ground in some Hispanic counties during his 2018 run against Senator Ted Cruz, a Republican. In Hidalgo County, for example, Ms Clinton won by 41 percentage points in 2016, Mr O’Rourke won by 38 in 2018 and Mr Biden by just 17 points.

The state’s I-35 corridor, from the northern suburb of the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex to San Antonio, was inundated with new Democrats, mostly white and educated. The Houston suburbs have also moved in Mr. Biden’s direction.

Change in county margins from 2016

Share of population
it’s white

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

More white

Less white

Share of the population aged 25 and over
with a university degree

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

No longer a university graduate

Fewer university graduates

Share of population
it’s hispanic

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

More Hispanic

Less Hispanic

Texas has become politically competitive in part because of its growing diversity and because its white suburbs have become more moderate. Counties outside of the inner suburbs – largely white and richer areas often referred to as suburbs – have also seen a movement to the left.

Democrats have benefited from the state’s growing population of college graduates, younger voters and minorities.

Despite these changes, Mr. Trump has led in most counties outside of major cities.


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Hispanic voters give Trump victory in Texas


Demographic shifts and a backlash from the suburbs did not prevent President Trump from taking the Lone Star State, but by a smaller margin than in 2016. Even though urban and suburban areas have moved in large numbers to the Democrats, many southern Hispanic voters abruptly left the Democratic Party. coalition.

San AntonioDallasAustinLaredoEl PasoMcAllenHouston

Shift since 2016

In counties that have declared almost all of their votes

More democratic

More republican

The Rio Grande Valley shifted decisively toward Mr. Trump, as heavily Hispanic areas along the border with Mexico, including Hidalgo, home of McAllen, delivered enough votes to help cancel the impact of white voters in urban and suburban areas.

Starr, a rural border county hit by high rates of coronavirus this summer, has seen the biggest change. Hillary Clinton won the county by 60 percentage points in 2016; Joseph R. Biden Jr. won it by just five. Other border counties, including Maverick, Hidalgo and Cameron, have also shifted sharply to the right compared to 2016.


There was an indication of a Republican-leaning Hispanic movement when former Rep. Beto O’Rourke, a Democrat, lost ground in some Hispanic counties during his 2018 run against Senator Ted Cruz, a Republican. In Hidalgo County, for example, Ms Clinton won by 41 percentage points in 2016, Mr O’Rourke won by 38 in 2018 and Mr Biden by just 17 points.

The state’s I-35 corridor, from the northern suburb of the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex to San Antonio, was inundated with new Democrats, mostly white and educated. The Houston suburbs have also moved in Mr. Biden’s direction.

Change in county margins from 2016

Share of population
it’s white

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

More white

Less white

Share of the population aged 25 and over
with a university degree

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

No longer a university graduate

Fewer university graduates

Share of population
it’s hispanic

+ 25D

0

+ 25R

More Hispanic

Less Hispanic

Texas has become politically competitive in part because of its growing diversity and because its white suburbs have become more moderate. Counties outside of the inner suburbs – largely white and richer areas often referred to as suburbs – have also seen a movement to the left.

Democrats have benefited from the state’s growing population of college graduates, younger voters and minorities.

Despite these changes, Mr. Trump has led in most counties outside of major cities.


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Don’t give in to “electoral stress disorder”.

Does this election stress you out? You’re not alone. According to a poll released by the American Psychological Association in October, 68% of adults say they find the election a major source of stress.

There’s even a name for it, “election stress disorder,” coined in 2016 by a Maryland couples counselor named Steven Stosny.

So how can you engage with friends and family across the political divide on Election Day and afterward without a fight and finger pointing? It starts with responding to your own feelings.

There is a good chance that the presidential election will not be called Tuesday evening. This is not necessarily a cause for concern in itself, as it will take time for states to count this year’s deluge of ballots, some of which cannot be processed until election day. But be on the lookout for viral misinformation as contestants may attempt to claim victory prematurely or manipulate the results.

Before discussing politics with your family, take a moment to assess where you are at. You may need “stew,” said Eva Escobedo, relationship therapist at Just Mind, a counseling center in Austin, Texas. She recommended taking a break for a day or two to allow yourself to be a little offbeat.

Limit your ambient social media exposure – Dr Stosny suggests setting aside specific times to check out the news or your social media feeds. If you interact with relatives or friends on Facebook or Twitter, try taking those conversations offline, where you can have a more successful and meaningful exchange.

If you are feeling anxious or overwhelmed, go for a walk or run and try to spend at least 30 minutes outdoors. Studies have linked aerobic exercise to better emotional regulation; even moderate exercise like walking can bring benefits. Make plans with friends to occupy your mind.

But Dr Jena Lee, a psychiatrist at the University of California, Los Angeles, cautioned against assuming you’ll be anxious on Election Day. “Humans are pretty resilient,” she says. “Chances are you can cope.”

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Don’t give in to “ electoral stress disorder ”

Limit your ambient exposure to social media, where attacks on a candidate or a politician can look like attacks on you, personally. Dr Stosny suggests scheduling specific times to check the news or your social media feeds. If you interact with relatives or friends on Facebook or Twitter, try taking those conversations offline, where you can have a more successful and meaningful exchange.

Nonetheless, Dr. Jena Lee, a psychiatrist at the University of California, Los Angeles, cautioned against assuming you will be anxious on Election Day. “Humans are pretty resilient,” she says. “Chances are you can cope.”

It will remain important to discuss political issues and issues with those close to you, even if you tend to disagree. These conversations don’t have to be inflamed, even if you’re faced with a jubilant or irritable parent. “If someone is mad at you, you want to see that they feel really hurt and worthless,” Dr Stosny said.

If a family member approaches you with anger, try to respond with compassion. Consider setting a time limit for your political discussions, Dr Lee said, agreeing to a fun, shared activity in advance when your time is up.

It may sound easier said than done. But several experts agreed that instead of debating specific policies, you are better off basing your conversations on values ​​such as equality, justice, and fairness, as well as being upfront about how you feel and Why.

“The most important job we can do as citizens in this gap between votes cast and counted is zoom out,” said Beth Silvers, who co-hosts the “Pantsuit Politics” podcast and co-wrote the book “I Think You ‘re Wrong (But I’m Listening)” with Sarah Stewart Holland. “Do we want every vote to be counted? Do we want to be confident in the outcome, even though it’s an outcome we don’t like? What kind of commitments do we owe each other during this time? “

The political and social divisions between your family members and your peers will not be resolved by this one election, even after the results are counted and certified. But persistent, thoughtful communication can help bridge the differences. “Chip, chip, chip, chip, chip on fact-based conversations,” Dr. Tillery said, “and ask them what they think is morally right.”

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Just over a week before polling day, Trump and Biden give closing “60 minutes” speeches.

Nine days before Election Day, President Trump and Joseph R. Biden Jr. offered radically divergent visions for the country – including the coronavirus pandemic, the economy and foreign policy – in broad talks on “60 minutes”.

In substance and in demeanor, the two presidential candidates cut remarkably different numbers on one of their last big opportunities to reach a national television audience during the campaign.

Mr Trump was combative and irritable during his interview with “60 Minutes” correspondent Lesley Stahl, insisting, as he has done several times in recent days despite the surge in coronavirus cases, that the country is “turning the corner. corner ”of the pandemic.

“We did a very, very good job,” he said at one point, mistakenly arguing that the increase in cases was due to “we are doing so much testing”.

Speaking at a time when family, business and government finances have been strained by the pandemic, the president also painted an optimistic picture of the country’s economy, which he said was “Already roaring.” Pressed to spell out his top national priority, Trump said it was about “getting back to normal” and “beating the economy up and being great with jobs and everyone being happy”.

But perhaps the biggest headline to come out of his interview was his behavior. As he grew increasingly irritated by the interrogation, he interrupted his interview with Ms Stahl, then laughed at her on Twitter and posted a 38-minute clip of the interview on Facebook.

“Look at the prejudice, hatred and rudeness on the part of 60 Minutes and CBS,” Mr. Trump tweeted Thursday with a link to the clip.

Mr. Biden, for his part, was more measured in his interview with CBS News’s Norah O’Donnell.

But Mr. Biden was blunt in his criticism of Mr. Trump. Asked about the biggest domestic problem the country faces, he replied “Covid”.

“The way he’s handling Covid is absolutely, totally irresponsible,” he said of Mr. Trump.

As he has done before, he also rejected the suggestion by Mr. Trump and the Republicans that he was a “Trojan horse” to the left wing of the Democratic Party.

“Mr. President, you are running against Joe Biden. Joe Biden has a deep, stiff and successful record over a very long period of time,” he said.

In response to a question of whether Mr. Trump could still win the election, Mr. Biden said he could.

“It’s not over until the bell rings,” he said, saying Mr. Trump could win because of “the way he plays”. Mr. Trump, he added, “is sort of trying to delegitimize the election” in a way that “aims to get people to question whether or not they should – whether it is worth it or not. go and vote ”.

Mr Biden’s newest response concerned the Supreme Court. When asked if he would increase the number of judges in the country’s highest court if elected – a question he has faced on several occasions since the death of Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg last month – Mr Biden gave his clearest answer in weeks, saying he would. set up a bipartite commission of scholars to study a possible overhaul of the judicial system.

“I will ask them, for 180 days, to come back to me with recommendations on how to reform the justice system because it is going out of order,” Biden said.

For “60 minutes,” the episode continued its tradition of interviewing the top US presidential candidates ahead of the presidential election. It also featured talks with Vice President Mike Pence, who is Mr. Trump’s vice president, and Senator Kamala Harris, Mr. Biden’s vice president.

The interviews aired on a day when the candidates had very different schedules, reflecting their different approaches to campaigning during the pandemic.

Mr Trump drove through New England, speaking to a crowd in a hangar at a New Hampshire airport, then touring an apple orchard in Maine. He attacked Mr. Biden’s economic proposals, which he called “a missile targeting the hearts of the middle class.”

Mr Biden did not organize any in-person campaign events on Sunday, although he attended church near his home in Delaware. And on Sunday night, he and his wife, Jill, made a cameo appearance at a virtual concert hosted by his campaign, which included performances from a long list of artists, including Sara Bareilles, Jon Bon Jovi, Cher and John Legend. Mr. Biden highlighted the stakes of the election and told the concert hosts, in a nod to the star-studded lineup, “You make us heroes with our granddaughters.