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Video: House Democrats say stimulus bill ‘meets the moment’

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House Democrats say stimulus bill ‘meets the moment’

House Democrats set to approve President Biden’s $ 1.9 trillion stimulus package despite Senate parliamentarian’s decision that including a phased increase in the federal minimum wage would violate the rules budgetary.

“This week alone, according to a poll, 76 percent of Americans support the bill, 60 percent of Republicans. You see everyone from the chairman of the Fed to large corporate groups, 150 CEOs, to education groups, to labor groups. You can’t really name one aspect of society that has not come along with this bill. So we believe it’s something that’s – it meets the moment. This bill responds instantly, rises to the challenge, and we believe this is a great victory for the American people and one that will finally get us out of this terrible crisis we are facing. “We will not rest until we adopt the minimum wage of $ 15. We have been involved in the fight for 15 years for a long time. It is legislation that affects an overwhelming majority – a majority of women. Over 60 percent of those earning the minimum wage are women. Many are mothers. And it is so essential for us to do so. And let it happen when we send it out there, we send it – as a symbol of a difference it will make in the lives of the American people. But not just as a symbol, but as a solid proposition. “

Recent episodes of United States and politics

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Democrats strive to recoup wage hike, with stimulus package set to pass

If Democrats cannot find a way to include the wage increase in the stimulus measure, the bill could lose the support of progressives, although Ms Pelosi said the House would “absolutely” pass the measure without salary increase if necessary.

“I don’t think we can go back to the voters and say, ‘Look, I know the Republicans, Democrats, Independents are backing this; we promised it, but because of an unelected parliamentarian who gave us a decision, we couldn’t do it, ”Rep. Pramila Jayapal, Washington Democrat and president of the Congressional Progressive, told reporters. Caucus. “There are a lot of good things in the package, but if it’s watered down, that’s a whole other problem. So we just have to see what it looks like. “

Democrats have adopted the comprehensive stimulus package as essential for the economy. It would offer direct payments of $ 1,400 to people earning up to $ 75,000 a year and couples earning up to $ 150,000, and would increase the weekly federal unemployment benefit from $ 300 to $ 400. $ per week and extending it until the end of August. It would also increase the value of the child tax credit; providing more than $ 50 billion for vaccine distribution, testing and tracing; and directing nearly $ 200 billion to elementary and secondary schools and $ 350 billion to state, local and tribal governments.

The bill, once cleared in the House, will be sent to the Senate, where it is expected to be amended. It would then be sent back to the House for a final vote before going to the White House for Mr Biden’s signature.

House Republicans were to oppose the legislation with a few exceptions. They argued that the plan is too expensive and contains provisions unrelated to pandemic relief. And while their party members used the reconciliation process twice in 2017 to bypass the Democratic opposition to their highest priorities – once to push through a $ 1.5 trillion tax cut and a once in an unsuccessful attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act – they complained that Democrats had prevented them from drafting the stimulus package.

“This is not a relief bill,” Republican leader Kevin McCarthy of California said at his weekly press conference. “He takes care of the political allies of the Democrats, while he fails to meet the needs of American families.”

Like many Republicans on Capitol Hill, he wore a “No Pelosi Payout” sticker.

“We already know what the best stimulus package is out there: it’s to completely reopen our economy,” McCarthy said.

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How Democrats are already maneuvering to shape Biden’s top Supreme Court choice

WASHINGTON – After a meeting at the Oval Office earlier this month with President Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris and fellow House Democrats, Rep. James E. Clyburn from South Carolina visited the office of Ms Harris in the West Wing to privately raise a topic that was not addressed in their panel discussion: the Supreme Court.

Mr Clyburn, the highest ranking African American in Congress, wanted to offer Ms Harris the name of potential future justice, according to a Democrat briefed on their conversation. District Court Judge J. Michelle Childs would honor Mr Biden’s pledge to appoint the first black woman to the Supreme Court – and, Mr Clyburn noted, she was also from state South Carolina having political significance for the president.

There may not be a vacant High Court post at the moment, but Mr Clyburn and other lawmakers are already maneuvering to defend candidates and a new approach for an appointment that could come as early as this summer, so that some Democrats are hoping Judge Stephen Breyer, who is 82, will retire. With Democrats holding the tiniest majority of Senate majorities and the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg still painfully fresh on their minds, these party leaders want to shape Mr Biden’s nomination, including pushing the party away from the usual Ivy CVs. League.

The precocious jockey illustrates how eager Democratic officials are to leave their mark on Mr. Biden’s efforts to elevate historically under-represented candidates to historic Supreme Court appointments. But it also highlights baffling class and credibility issues within the Democratic Party that have been just below the surface since the days of the Obama administration.

Some Democrats like Mr. Clyburn, who have nervously watched Republicans try to repackage themselves as a working class party, believe Mr. Biden could send a message about his determination to keep Democrats loyal to their blue collar roots in choosing a candidate like Ms. Childs, who attended public universities.

“One of the things we have to be very, very careful about as Democrats is being painted with this elitist brush,” Clyburn said, adding, “When people talk about diversity, they always look at race. and ethnicity – I look beyond that to the diversity of experiences.

North Carolina Representative GK Butterfield, like Mr. Clyburn, a veteran member of the Congressional Black Caucus, made a similar point in an email to White House attorney Dana Remus last month listing the criteria caucus favorites for Federal Court appointments. Near the top of the list, Mr Butterfield said, was: “The judge should have diverse experience in several contexts and in several areas, including experiences outside of the law.

Mr Biden’s pledge to nominate the first black woman to court was sort of an unusual campaign pledge: Mr Clyburn pushed him to do so during a debate in Charleston ahead of South Carolina’s pivotal primary Last year. It was a wish even some of the president’s aides resisted, fearing it might sound like complacency.

Mr Biden has spoken little in public since his election about his preferences for the court, but as the former chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, he has a sort of split personality when it comes to personnel policy. While he’s happy to point out his Scranton, Pennsylvania roots, his roots, his public school graduation and his nickname “Middle-Class Joe,” he has long surrounded himself with gender-wielding aides and advisers. of pedigree that he lacks.

And some White House officials are already bracing for what they believe to be unfair right-wing attacks on the black woman they choose, believing that the prospective candidate must have a crisp resume. “It’s going to have to be someone with clear credentials, so it doesn’t appear to be an unqualified person,” said a senior Biden official, who spoke of possible court candidates under cover. of anonymity to share his thoughts from inside the West Wing.

Among the potential candidates proposed for a seat on the Supreme Court, Ms Childs has a background that differs from more recent candidates. Unlike eight of the nine current Supreme Court justices, Ms Childs, 54, did not attend an Ivy League college. Her mother worked for Southern Bell in Columbia, SC and Ms. Childs won a scholarship to the University of South Florida. She then graduated from the University of South Carolina Law School and became the first black woman to become a partner in one of the state’s leading law firms. Like a previous generation of jurists, she rose through the ranks in state politics before being appointed to the bench. Ms Childs was a senior official in the South Carolina Department of Labor before being appointed to the state’s workers’ compensation board.

“She’s the kind of person who has the kind of experiences that would make her a good addition to the Supreme Court,” Clyburn said.

Mr Clyburn, whose coveted support helped revive Mr Biden’s enrollment drive ahead of the South Carolina primary last year, has been particularly active on his behalf in what his advisers say are his most important request of the administration. The 80-year-old House Whip defended Ms Childs with Ms Harris; Mrs. Remus; and Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, chairman of the judicial committee.

Bakari Sellers, a Democratic political commentator close to Ms Harris, also introduced members of the Vice President’s inner circle to Ms Childs, who was appointed to the federal bench by Mr Obama in 2010.

“Not just for our party, but also for justice, it is important to have someone who has had experiences,” Sellers said.

What prompted some of these officials to go public with a more aggressive form of advocacy are two developments.

First, they saw items on a shortlist in a column by Ruth Marcus in the Washington Post earlier this month, naming two potential successors to Breyer, who, like Ms Childs, are young enough to sit in court for a few decades. The two people named – U.S. District Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson of Washington, DC, and California Supreme Court Justice Leondra Kruger – both have Ivy League law degrees and important connections. Ms Jackson, 50, was a clerk for Mr Breyer himself and Ms Kruger, 44, was deputy solicitor general to Mr Obama.

There are a handful of other black women in their forties with elite titles who have caught the attention of lawmakers, including some members of the Judiciary Committee. There is Danielle Holley-Walker, Dean of Howard University Law School, and Leslie Abrams Gardner, Federal District Court Judge in Georgia, younger sister of Stacey Abrams.

The question of the moment is more important.

There are relatively few black women in federal appeals courts, where presidents often attract their Supreme Court candidates. Very soon, however, there will be another vacancy in the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit – which can be a stepping stone to the High Court – when Judge Merrick B. Garland resigns to become a prosecutor. general. Ms Childs might be in a better position to advance to the Supreme Court if she were to sit on that appeals court, some of her admirers say.

“There is an immediate vacancy there, so I would argue for its consideration for the DC Circuit,” Mr. Butterfield, himself a former state Supreme Court justice, said of Ms. Childs. “And when and if there is a vacancy in the Supreme Court, it should also be considered for that.

Cheri Beasley, who lost her re-election as chief justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court by 412 votes in November, is another possible candidate for a seat on the court. She also went to a public university and rose through the judiciary through lower state courts. Still, Ms Beasley has told people she is considering running for the open North Carolina Senate seat next year, according to a Democrat who spoke to her.

When a court post occurs, several Democrats say they are preparing to bring out the tensions of the Obama era, which were covered up by former President Donald Trump.

Many members of the Congressional Black Caucus, as well as a number of white Democrats, say they believe the party is too closely tied to the elites and that this perception only gives Republicans political fodder during election season.

“It’s not criticizing the Harvards or the Yales, but I think there are some great lawyers who are really, really smart who come from other places on this earth,” said Senator Jon Tester of Montana, where the Democrats all lost three landmark races last year. “And I think we should consider them.”

Vi Lyles, the mayor of Charlotte, said: “Having the broadest perspective of what’s going on in the country makes you a better decision maker and a better leader.”

Persistent frustrations among black leaders, many of whom have attended public schools or historically black institutions, are even more delicate regarding Mr. Obama’s independent treatment of the Congressional Black Caucus and his administration’s apparent preference for people. nominated with elite titles.

“He was predisposed to Ivy League nominees, I think we can all agree on that,” Mr Butterfield said.

Mr. Sellers was even more brutal. “I love Barack Obama, but there was an Ivy League culture emanating from the White House, and we had to move away from it,” he said.

Frustration with Mr. Obama peaked with his selection of Mr. Garland to the Supreme Court after the death of Judge Antonin Scalia in 2016. Some Congressional Democrats thought the former president could have pressured Republicans and energized Democrats had he chosen a black woman and were furious when he said he was not looking for “a black lesbian from Skokie” .

What Mr. Clyburn will only say indirectly is that Mr. Biden owes not only black voters for his nomination, he is indebted to the African Americans who resurrected his candidacy in South Carolina and those in South which practically cemented his appointment three days later. as it swept the region on Super Tuesday.

Some African-American Democrats believe black Americans will rally behind the black woman Mr. Biden names and suspect Mr. Clyburn is looking for a rationale to elevate his home state and polish his legacy.

Yet few politicians preach more than Mr. Biden about the importance of “dancing with whoever brought you,” as the President often says. And so far Mr Clyburn has been able to install two of his closest allies into the administration, with former Rep. Marcia Fudge being appointed housing secretary and Jaime Harrison hired to lead the Democratic National Committee.

When asked if he could support Ms Childs in the High Court, South Carolina Senator Tim Scott, a Republican and the first black South Senator elected since Reconstruction, said he was not ready to to commit. But he congratulated her on having “a very good reputation” and said her appointment “would reflect the positive and powerful progress we have made in the great state of South Carolina.”

Mr. Scott was more blunt, however, when asked if Mr. Biden owed it to black voters in South Carolina, given the role they played in his path to the presidency.

“Jim Clyburn would say so,” he said with a smile.

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The Democrats’ big tent helped them win. Now that threatens Biden’s agenda.

Mr Sanders has targeted recent news that a moderate think tank, Third Way, is working on a project to push Democrats to the center for the midterm elections. He said issues such as canceling student debt, raising the minimum wage to $ 15 an hour and tackling climate change were “political winners.”

Today’s American working class – white, black, Latino – is suffering. They want us to react vigorously, ”he said. “If we do, I think they’ll reward us in 2022. If we fail them, Republicans will be able to say, ‘Hey, you gave these people the House, the Senate, and the White House and they got nothing. done for you, “we won’t do well in 2022.”

Yet entrenchment by moderate senators – and the president’s current deference to it – presents a challenge for activists hoping to sway the administration. And while progressive elected officials are confident that Mr. Biden will eventually join them, a growing chorus of activists are looking to him for more immediate action.

K Trainor, a student activist who has worked with progressive groups to train Democratic students, said Mr Biden’s response to mayor was deeply disappointing. She said if the administration ignored young voters, it would be more difficult to persuade them to participate in future elections.

“I think a lot of people in my generation ask, ‘Where’s the courage? ”Ms. Trainor said. “It feels like they’re going backwards and we don’t even have 100 days.”

The Reverend William J. Barber II, a co-chair of the Campaign of the Poor who organized the meeting of West Virginia workers with Mr Manchin, said the debate reflected an ugly belly of Democratic politics. While the working poor and low-income, especially those who are racial minorities or young people, form the core of the Democratic base, he said, the policies that interest them most have often been sacrificed because of the political calculations.

They represent the human cost of the big tent, he said.

“The Democrats ran on it, they put it in their platform and they said that’s what has to happen,” Dr. Barber said. “It would be the ultimate surrender and betrayal to then get here and have the power to do it and then step back.”

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Democrats beat Trump in 2020. Now they ask: what went wrong?

Democrats came out of the 2020 election with full control of the federal government and a pile of lingering questions. Privately, party leaders and strategists have been grappling with a dilemma: Why was President Biden’s convincing victory over Donald J. Trump not accompanied by large Democratic gains by ballot?

With that puzzle in mind, a group of Democratic advocacy groups quietly launched a review of the party’s performance in the 2020 election with the aim of shaping the Democrats’ approach to the country’s midterm campaign. next year, said seven people close to the effort.

Democratic sponsors of the initiative are particularly concerned about the party’s losses in large-minority House districts, including Florida, Texas and California, people briefed on the initiative said. The review examines tactical and strategic choices across the map, including democratic messages on the economy and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as organizational decisions such as avoiding face-to-face canvassing.

Democrats predicted they would be able to expand their majority in the House, pushing into the historically red areas of the Sun Belt where Mr. Trump’s unpopularity had destabilized the GOP coalition. Instead, Republicans won 14 Democrat-held House seats, including a dozen Democrats captured in an anti-Trump election just two years earlier.

The results stunned strategists from both parties, raising questions about the reliability of campaign polls and apparently highlighting democratic vulnerabilities in rural areas and center-right suburbs. The Democrats also lost several contested races in the Senate by surprisingly wide margins, even as they narrowly took control of the chamber.

Strategists involved in the Democratic Self-Assessment have begun interviewing elected officials and campaign consultants and reaching out to lawmakers and former candidates in major House and Senate races where the party narrowly won or lost.

Four major groups are supporting the effort, spanning a range of Democratic-leaning interests: Third Way, a centrist think tank; End Citizens United, a clean government group; the Latino Victory Fund; and Collective PAC, an organization that supports black Democratic candidates.

They are said to work with at least three influential bodies within the Democratic House caucus: the Congressional Black Caucus, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and the New Democrat Coalition, a group of centrist lawmakers. The groups retained the services of a Democratic consultancy firm, 270 Strategies, to conduct interviews and analyze electoral data.

Democrats feel considerable pressure to refine their political handbook ahead of the 2022 congressional election, when the party will defend tiny majorities in the House and Senate without a presidential race to boost participation on both sides.

Dan Sena, former executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said the party recognizes that despite Mr Biden’s victory, the 2020 cycle has not been an unadulterated Democratic achievement.

“I think people know there was some good and some bad coming out of 20 and there is a desire to look under the hood,” Sena said.

Among the party’s goals, Sena said, would be to study their gains in Georgia and look for other areas where population growth and demographic change could provide the party with solid electoral goals in 2022.

“There was a series of factors that really made Georgia work in this cycle,” he said. “How do you start to find places like Georgia?”

Matt Bennett, senior vice president of Third Way, confirmed in a statement that the quadripartite project was aimed at positioning Democrats for the midterm elections.

“With narrow Democratic majorities in Congress and the Republican Party swayed by seditionists backing Trump, the stakes have never been higher,” he said. “Our organizations will provide Democrats with a detailed picture of what happened in 2020 – with a wide range of contributions from across the party voices – so that they are fully prepared to face the GOP in 2022.”

In addition to the external review, some of the party’s traditional committees are said to take smaller steps to review the 2020 results. Concerned about declining support for Latino men, the Congressional Democratic Campaign Committee has held focus groups in the Rio Grande Valley in Texas earlier this year, said a person familiar with the study. It is not clear what conclusions emerged from the exercise.

So far, there is no equivalent process underway on the Republican side, party officials said, citing the general lack of appetite among GOP leaders to openly fight Mr. Trump’s impact. on the party and the wreckage it inflicted in key areas of the country.

As a re-election candidate, Mr. Trump collapsed in the Democratic-leaning Upper Midwest – abandoning his most significant breakthroughs of 2016 – and lost to Mr. Biden in Georgia and Arizona, two traditionally Red states where the GOP has suffered a sharp decline in recent years. The party lost all four Senate seats in those states during Mr. Trump’s presidency, including three in the 2020 cycle.

But Mr. Trump and his political minions have so far responded with fury to criticism of his management of the party, and there is no apparent desire to tempt his anger with a full analysis that is likely to yield little results. flattering. An unofficial review, conducted by Mr. Trump’s pollster Tony Fabrizio, concluded that Mr. Trump had provided significant support because of his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, with particularly damaging losses among white voters.

In the past, democratic attempts at self-control have tended to come to somewhat soft conclusions aimed at avoiding controversy in the party’s multifaceted coalition.

The Democratic Party briefly appeared to be heading for a public record in November, as the party absorbed its setbacks in the House and failure to topple several Republican senators whom Democrats had seen ripe for defeat.

A group of centrist members of the House blamed left-wing rhetoric on democratic socialism and the removal of police funding for their losses in several conservative-leaning rural suburbs and districts. Days after the election, Representative Abigail Spanberger of Virginia said the party should drop the word “socialism,” sparking repression from progressives like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York.

This spread of differences did not last long: Democrats quickly closed ranks in response to Mr. Trump’s attacks on the 2020 election, and party unity hardened after the second round of the 5 January in Georgia and the January 6 attack on the Capitol. But there are still significant internal disagreements over campaign strategy.

It has been eight years since either of the political parties conducted a comprehensive self-assessment which recommended fundamental changes in structure and strategy. After the 2012 election, when Republicans lost the presidential race and relinquished seats in both houses of Congress, the Republican National Committee formed a task force that called for major changes in party organization. .

The so-called 2012 autopsy also recommended that the GOP embrace the cause of immigration reform, warning the party faces a grim demographic future if it does not improve its position with communities of color. This recommendation was effectively rejected after House Republicans blocked a bipartisan immigration deal passed by the Senate and then completely wiped out by Mr. Trump’s presidential bid.

Henry Barbour, a member of the RNC who co-authored the committee’s post-2012 analysis, said it would be wise for both sides to reflect on their political positioning after the 2020 election. He said Democrats had been successful the election by running against Mr. Trump, but that the party’s shift to the left had alienated otherwise winnable voters, including some black, Hispanic, and Asian-American communities that gradually shifted to Mr. Trump.

“They’re fleeing a lot of middle-class Americans who work hard to live in the heart of the country, or in the big cities or the suburbs,” Mr. Barbour said. “Part of it is that Democrats ran too far to the left.”

Mr Barbour said Republicans should also take a look at their performance in 2020. Mr Trump, he said, had not done enough to extend his appeal beyond a broad and loyal minority of voters.

“The Republican Party has to do better than that,” he said. “We are not just a party of one president.”

In addition to the quadripartite scrutiny on the Democratic side, several smaller projects are underway aimed at addressing shortcomings in the polls.

Democratic and Republican officials have found serious flaws in their investigative research, especially the House race polls that did not anticipate how far Republicans would come to recapture a majority. Both parties emerged from the campaign feeling that they had dramatically misjudged the competitive House race landscape, with Democrats unexpectedly losing seats and Republicans perhaps missing a chance to capture the House in result.

The leaders of the House race-focused Republican and Democratic super PACs – the Congressional Leadership Fund and House Majority PAC – are both studying their 2020 ballots and debating changes for the 2022 campaign, people said. close to their efforts.

The Congressional Leadership Fund, a Republican group, is said to be undertaking a somewhat deeper examination of its spending and messaging, although there are no plans to release a broader diagnostic for the party. “We would be foolish if we didn’t take a serious look at what worked, what didn’t and how you can grow and progress,” said Dan Conston, group president.

Several of the largest Democratic polling companies are also consulting each other on a regular basis to fill research gaps in 2020. Two people involved in the conversations said there was general agreement that the industry needs to update its practices before 2022 to assure Democratic leaders that they would no longer be taken by surprise.

Anna Greenberg, a Democratic pollster involved in the last round’s research review, said the party was only digging deeper into the 2020 election results because the past few months have been dominated by other crises .

Several Democratic and Republican strategists have warned both sides face a challenge in formulating a plan for 2022: It has been more than a decade, she said, since a mid-term campaign. had not been dominated by a larger than life presidential figure. Based on the experience of the 2020 campaign, it is not clear that Mr. Biden is destined to become such a polarizing figure.

“It’s hard to know what an election looks like without Obama or Trump,” Ms. Greenberg said, “just normal, regular, regular people showing up.

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Tom Perez on Democrats’ mistakes and why Iowa shouldn’t come first

Do you think the DNC should have devoted more attention and resources to competitions results in state law and Congress races?

What is really unfortunate about this electoral cycle is that we had a record turnout. And we should be celebrating this on a bipartisan basis, because we have done really well. We won the presidency. We have the House. We have the Senate. And Republicans have won in a number of critical races. It’s undeniable. They won a number of Senate seats. They won a number of seats in Congress. And they won because a lot of their employees came. And instead, what Donald Trump and the far right chose to do is invest in this fiction that there was some sort of massive voter fraud, which is incorrect.

The reality is that we have won a series of really important races. And they’ve won a number of top-down ballot races. These are the facts of 2020. And that’s why we’re absolutely digging deeper to answer the question of how well we did for Mark Kelly and Joe Biden in Arizona and not so well in some of the State House and Senate races. of State. Really important question. It was certainly not for lack of investment. And that’s why we seek to understand what else we need to do.

Why was Latino support for Democrats is so much sweeter in 2020 after four years of Trump than it was in 2016 and the elections before that?

Should we do more with Latino voters? Absolutely. And I am very attached to it. We have done more than the party has ever done. But again, with each cycle, we have to build on what we’ve done before. And that’s exactly what we’re going to do. The disinformation campaigns in South Florida were very real. And they involved domestic and foreign actors.

And calls for socialism in South Florida have been more successful. They made the same socialist arguments in Arizona. But they fell flat. And they fell flat, to a large extent, because we had a very aggressive and long-standing organizational infrastructure in Arizona that allowed us to counter that.

Will the 2022 and 2024 elections be a referendum on President Biden’s handling of the pandemic and the economy?

What voters are going to ask is the same question they always ask themselves. “Am I better off than two years ago?” Am I seeing results that improve my life? Since they are able to return to normal, whatever normalcy is going to look like post-Covid, I think they will appreciate that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have led during this crisis.

Should Iowa and New Hampshire continue first in the presidential nomination process?

It will depend on the rules and statutes committee of the DNC.

I know. But what does ordinary citizen Tom Perez think?

A state or various states must be the first. The difference between going first and third is really big. We know the importance of momentum in the Democratic primaries.

I will try again. Could you argue for the defense of Iowa and New Hampshire first?

The status quo is clearly unacceptable. To just say, “Let’s just keep doing this because that’s the way we’ve always done it,” well, Iowa started to become one of the first caucus states, I believe, in 1972. The The world has changed a lot between 1972 and 2020 2024. So the idea that we have to do it because this is the way we’ve always done it is woefully insufficient justification to start over.

It’s the Democratic Party of 2020. It’s different from the Democratic Party in the way we were in 1972. And we have to reflect that change. And so I am convinced that the status quo will not survive.

How bad are you thinking candidate for governor of Maryland?

I am seriously considering running for governor in Maryland.

We need a governor who can truly build a strong relationship with the Biden administration, who will build strong relationships with every jurisdiction in Maryland.

Marylanders are like everyone else. We want this pandemic to end. We want to bring the children back to school. We want to get people back to work. The pandemic has disproportionately affected women and communities of color in Maryland. And I have been fortunate enough to work in local government and with nonprofit religious communities and state government there.

So I’m listening now. I’m on a listening tour in Maryland. And I think we really need leadership, with a bold vision for inclusion and opportunity, because the zip code should never determine the fate in any community across America.

AT Larry Hogan been a good governor for Maryland?

I appreciate the fact that Larry Hogan has said critical things about Donald Trump. I appreciate this. What we really need, I think in Maryland, are leaders who sweat the details of governance. The spread of the pandemic, the vaccination process has been nothing short of chaotic in Maryland. We have had an unemployment insurance crisis, people are waiting months and months to get their unemployment benefits. It’s just a failure of leadership at the state level.

I heard neither yes nor no on Hogan.

I applaud that he tried to take tests in South Korea. But then it turned out that the tests were not working. And he covered it up. And there will always be times when mistakes are made. And good leaders admit these mistakes. But he tried to sweep it under the rug.

Once again, it’s great to see a governor criticizing Donald Trump. But we need governors who do more than just criticize.

What would you do differently to speed up vaccine distribution and reopen schools faster?

I was on the phone every day with the county officials to make sure, “What do you need? What don’t you have? What do you have? What can we do? “I would ask our colleagues in the federal government over and over again,” Here is what we need. Here is what happens. I would have a war room set up and, again, every day I said, “You value what you measure. You measure what you value. What do we do?”

Donald Trump is partly responsible for this. It was a disaster. But you look at other states – other states have been able to get around that and are doing better. Our vaccination rates do not compare well. We are the richest state in the United States – Maryland – but we have far too many people looking out.

You said good leaders admit their mistakes. What were the biggest mistakes you made at the DNC?

I wish we could win more elections. And so I look at what we did and some of the races that we didn’t win. I was really frustrated in January and early February 2017, because Donald Trump was in power and he was issuing all kinds of executive actions that turned the lives of so many people upside down. It was in the middle of the DNC race because the election was not set until the end of February. So we took a late check out. And I think it was a mistake.

It was frustrating to see February 27, a month after administration started, and I show up for work for the first time. So I think we have to be very aware. And if there are times in the future where we’re in a similar situation, where we’ve lost the White House, we better make sure we start early because I had to play a lot of catch-up. And that was a mistake.

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House Republicans announce 47 Democrats they hope to overthrow

WASHINGTON – The House Republicans campaign wing on Wednesday revealed the list of 47 House Democrats it will target in the 2022 midterm election, the results of which will likely be determined in large part by the president’s popularity Biden.

The Congressional Republican National Committee roster includes 25 Democrats who were first elected in the 2018 Wave of Democrats election and six incumbents who represent districts that voted for former President Donald J. Trump in November. It includes a wide range of moderate Democrats, including Representatives Abigail Spanberger of Virginia and Conor Lamb of Pennsylvania, who have publicly clashed with the more liberal wing of the party in recent months.

The target list comes three months after House Republicans topped pre-election polls and reversed 15 seats held by Democrats in last year’s election. The party out of power generally does well in midterm elections: since World War II, the president’s party has lost an average of 27 House seats in the midterm elections.

The 2022 elections have the potential to carry a dynamic unseen in previous midterm contests – a referendum on the actions of a former president. Democrats have already signaled their intention to bind House Republicans to the Jan.6 riot on Capitol Hill that was instigated by Mr. Trump.

Representative Tom Emmer of Minnesota, president of the NRCC, strongly condemned the rioters during a video conference Wednesday with reporters, but also praised Mr. Trump’s campaign assistance. He said his committee would continue to embrace the former president and maintain its policy of not taking sides in primaries – even to help outgoing members who voted to impeach the former president.

“President Trump and his administration have implemented incredible policies for this country, haven’t they?” Said Mr. Emmer. “Their economic policies, their energy policies, putting Americans and America first, this policy, it was all good. It brought a ton of new voters into our party. I think Republicans need to celebrate these policies, I think we need to keep embracing them.

The Republicans roster is speculative, considering it will be months before states can begin drawing new district lines in Congress. The Census Bureau is already behind schedule in delivering redistribution and redistribution data to states, delaying at least until late summer a process that typically begins in February or March.

The delay in census data has left Congressional campaign committees of both parties in limbo as they seek to recruit candidates for the suspected districts. Sun Belt states like Texas and Florida are expected to add several new districts, while northern states including Illinois, Ohio and New York are likely to lose at least one seat each.

Mr Emmer said Republicans would “gain by redistribution” and “maximize our opportunities.”

“What I am talking about is fair and transparent, and that the districts make sense and that they do not only reflect the geography of the state and that they are a fair representation of the demographics of the state,” a- he declared.

Seven House Democrats who represent the districts Mr. Trump elected in November are on the NRCC list: Representatives Cindy Axne of Iowa, Cheri Bustos of Illinois, Matt Cartwright of Pennsylvania, Jared Golden of Maine, Elissa Slotkin from Michigan, Andy Kim from New Jersey and Ron Kind from Wisconsin.

Ms Bustos, who led the House Democrats’ election campaign in 2020, had victory margins that fell from 24 percentage points in 2018 to four points in 2020. But with Illinois certain of losing at least one seat, her gerrymandered district, which winds around to include Democratic-leaning sections of Peoria and Rockford as well as the Illinois part of the Quad Cities, will change before it faces voters again.

The NRCC also believes that a handful of Democrats who have underperformed Mr Biden could be vulnerable to better funded challengers. Those Democrats include Representatives Katie Porter and Mike Levin of California, both of whom received far less support than Mr Biden in November.

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Democrats are implementing a plan to send $ 1,400 in stimulus payments to Americans earning up to $ 75,000 a year.

On Monday, House Democrats rolled out a key piece of President Biden’s stimulus package, proposing legislation to send out-of-pocket payments of $ 1,400 to Americans earning up to $ 75,000 and households with incomes of up to $ 150,000 .

The plan, written the day before a scheduled major committee meeting to review it, is at odds with proposals from some moderate Republicans and Democrats who want to reduce eligibility for out-of-pocket payments, targeting it on low-income people. Mr Biden said he was open to such changes.

For now, the measure would allow individuals earning up to $ 100,000 and households earning up to $ 200,000 to be eligible for payment, though check size is phased out for those with income over 75,000. $, or $ 150,000 for a family.

The bill, unveiled by Rep. Richard E. Neal, Democrat of Massachusetts and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, was part of a series Democrats introduced on Monday ahead of a week of legislative work to solidify the details of the relaunch of Mr. Biden. proposal.

The move to keep the income cap at the same level as the latest round of stimulus payments comes after days of debate in the House Democratic caucus over the size of checks, as some moderates pushed to limit the total amount to those earning $ 50,000 or less and households earning up to $ 100,000.

The legislation also includes a series of significant tax code changes and an increase in the extension of weekly federal unemployment benefits. It would increase the payment from $ 300 per week to $ 400 per week and continue the program – currently supposed to start expiring in March – until the end of August.

The $ 1.9 trillion plan would also provide billions of dollars for schools and colleges, small businesses, and a provision that would raise the federal minimum wage to $ 15 by 2025, a progressive priority.

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Democrats to unveil up to $ 3,600 in child tax credit under stimulus bill

WASHINGTON – Top House Democrats prepare to unveil legislation that would send millions of Americans up to $ 3,600 per child, as lawmakers aim to change the tax code to target child poverty rates under the President Biden’s massive $ 1.9 trillion stimulus package.

The proposal would expand the child tax credit to provide $ 3,600 per child under age 6 and $ 3,000 per child up to age 17 over the course of a year, phasing out payments for Americans who earn more than 75,000 $ and couples who earn more than $ 150,000. The 22-page draft provision, reported earlier by the Washington Post and obtained by The New York Times, is expected to be formally presented on Monday as lawmakers rush to fill in the contours of Mr Biden’s stimulus package.

“The pandemic is pushing families deeper and deeper into poverty, and it’s devastating,” said Representative Richard E. Neal of Massachusetts, chair of the Ways and Means Committee and one of the champions of this provision. “This money is going to make the difference in a roof over someone’s head or food on their table. This is how the tax code is supposed to work for those who need it most. “

The credits would be divided into monthly Internal Revenue Service payments starting in July, based on a person’s or family’s income in 2020. Although the proposed credit is only for one year, some Democrats said that they would fight to make it permanent, an action sweep that could reshape America’s child poverty reduction efforts.

The one-year credit looks likely to garner enough support to be included in the stimulus package, but it will also have to clear a series of tough parliamentary hurdles due to the procedural maneuvers Democrats are using to bolster the stimulus package, potentially republican-free. support.

As Democratic House leaders aim to get stimulus legislation approved in the House by the end of the month, Congress last week decided to speed up Mr Biden’s stimulus package even as the details legislation is still under development. Backed by Democratic support in both chambers and a lackluster January jobs report, Mr Biden warned he plans to move forward with his plan whether Republicans back him or not.

Republicans, who accused Mr. Biden of abandoning bipartisan promises and expressed concerns about the country’s debt, have largely hesitated at his plan because of its size and scope after Congress approved billions of dollars in economic aid in 2020.

But the child tax credit could provide an opportunity for bipartisan support, as Utah Republican Senator Mitt Romney introduced a similar measure that would send payments of up to $ 1,250 per month to families with children. Mr. Romney’s proposal, intended to encourage Americans to have more children while reducing child poverty rates, would distribute payments through the Social Security Administration and offset the costs by eliminating other spending on child protection. government.

“If you’re President Biden and you’re serious about bipartisanship – working with the people on the other side, bringing people together in unity, he has a chance to do it,” the Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania, said on CNN’s “State of the Union”. (Mr Toomey said he would not support Mr Biden’s proposal due to the price.)

Janet L. Yellen, Secretary of the Treasury, warned on Sunday that the US labor market was stagnant and found itself in a “deep hole” that could take years to emerge if lawmakers do not swiftly pass the plan. relaunch.

Ms Yellen refuted fears that big spending would lead to inflation and said the economy would face the kind of long and slow recovery it experienced after the 2008 financial crisis if lawmakers did too little.

“The greatest risk is that we leave workers and communities scarred by the pandemic and the economic consequences that flow from it,” Ms. Yellen told CNN. “We have to make sure it doesn’t harm their lives.”

Ms Yellen said adopting the stimulus package could allow the economy to reach full employment by next year. Failure to do so, she said, could leave unemployment high for years to come.

The provision expanding the child tax credit is part of legislative proposals to address inequalities exacerbated by the pandemic and help families weather the country’s faltering economy. Researchers at Columbia University have found that Mr Biden’s comprehensive stimulus proposal could cut child poverty in half by 2021 due to the expansion of children’s credit, as well as other changes in children’s credit. tax and expansion of unemployment benefits and food aid.

“Now is the time to make dramatic cuts to child poverty that could improve the lives and futures of millions of children,” said Representative Rosa DeLauro, Democrat of Connecticut and chair of the Credit Committee on Sunday. bedroom. She said she would lobby to make the credit permanent.

Chris Cameron and Jim tankersley contribution to reports.

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Democrats press stimulus as Biden signals openness to change

But he added: “We can target the number better – I’m okay with that.”

It was part of a two-pronged strategy that Biden and the Democrats are using to speed up the relief program: showing Republicans they have the votes to pass an ambitious plan with only Democrat support, but offer to negotiate some details in the hopes of gaining Republican support.

Later on Wednesday, the president met for an hour and a half at the White House with the main Democrats in the Senate. Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the majority leader, walked out of the meeting, saying there was “a universal agreement on which we must be bold.”

“We want to do it in a bipartisan way, but we have to be strong,” said Mr Schumer. “We cannot lag, we cannot delay, we cannot dilute, because the problems this nation is facing and the opportunities we can bring to them are so vast.

Some Republicans have argued that the next round of stimulus checks should go to Americans who need them most. Under Mr. Biden’s plan, the full payment of $ 1,400 would be limited to people earning no more than $ 75,000 per year, but those with higher incomes would receive smaller checks.

The president’s signal that he was open to compromise on the issue came days after he met 10 Republican senators in the White House who were seeking a $ 618 billion package that they believed could win bipartisan support. Their proposal calls for checks of up to $ 1,000 that would go only to individuals earning less than $ 50,000 per year, with full payment limited to those with annual income of $ 40,000 or less.

Republicans, however, seemed united against the plan unless Mr. Biden made any significant concessions.

“If there are no changes, why don’t I think a Republican will vote for his proposal,” said Senator Mitt Romney of Utah, a member of the group that met Mr. Biden on Monday.

As for the $ 15 minimum wage included in Mr. Biden’s plan, Mr. Romney has said categorically, “This will not pass.