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Tennessee man who served as a Nazi camp guard expelled to Germany

On Saturday, a plane brought Mr. Berger back to Germany, where he remains a citizen, the justice ministry said. German officials have said he will not face further prosecution in that country. Mr Berger’s attorney, Hugh B. Ward Jr., said his client was “safe, safe, free” at an assisted living center in Germany.

Since the Justice Department launched a program in 1979 to find and deport former Nazis, it has won 109 cases, the department said. But “this may be the last American Nazi case,” said Eli M. Rosenbaum, a senior official with the department’s human rights and special prosecutions unit, who was among those who tried. the case against Mr. Berger.

“There’s hardly anyone left,” Rosenbaum said. “The vast majority of the perpetrators are deceased.”

Mr Berger’s case was unique because it was the only one in the history of the Justice Department’s Nazi prosecution program in which there were no known surviving victims available to testify, Mr Rosenbaum said . German forces also destroyed the Meppen archives when they abandoned the camp in 1945, he said, so prosecutors relied on documents found elsewhere.

Crucial evidence linking Mr Berger to his Nazi past came from SS maps that identified guards in the Neuengamme camps, discovered in 1950 on a German ship sunk by the Allies five years earlier.

Mr Rosenbaum said it was not clear how the cards were not destroyed after years underwater. After the ship exited the Baltic Sea, many maps were illegible and some were only partially readable. Those that could be read were transcribed and recorded. One of the cards identified Mr. Berger.

“It was needle-in-a-haystack stuff, to say the least,” Rosenbaum said.

Mr. Berger, he said, enlisted in the German army in 1943 and was assigned by the SS to guard the Meppen camp. He moved to the United States in 1959, and had lived quietly in a ranch house on a cul-de-sac in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, about 25 miles west of Knoxville.

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A rioter wearing a Camp Auschwitz sweatshirt is arrested, according to the police.

A man who was pictured wearing a ‘Camp Auschwitz’ sweatshirt while inside the Capitol building last week was arrested in Newport News, Va. On Wednesday morning in connection with the riot of the Capitol, according to two law enforcement officials.

The man, Robert Keith Packer, had been seen on the Capitol grounds in several photographs and his black sweatshirt, with his reference to the Nazi extermination camp and a skull, had sparked widespread outrage. News organizations had previously identified Mr Packer based on accounts from people who knew him.

Mr Packer’s sweatshirt also included the phrase “Work brings freedom”, which is a rough translation of “Arbeit macht frei”. The German words were welded onto an iron arch that stood above one of the gates of the death camp, where more than 1.1 million people were killed in World War II.

The Washington federal prosecutor said this week that more than 70 people linked to the chaos on Capitol Hill had already been charged with crimes and that he expected “hundreds” to eventually be charged. Prosecutors were considering laying a series of charges against the rioters, including seditious conspiracy, murder and trespassing. Michael Sherwin, the acting U.S. prosecutor for the District of Columbia, said investigators had already identified at least 170 people suspected of committing crimes.

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Dan Camp, who created Mississippi gem, dies at 79

This obituary is part of a series on people who died in the coronavirus pandemic. Learn more about the others here.

When Dan Camp was in senior school at North Carolina State University in Raleigh in the mid-1960s, a historic building caught his eye. It was a chalet where, at least according to local tradition, President Andrew Johnson was born. What struck Mr. Camp was that a relatively compact space could be perfectly adequate accommodation.

“I suspected then that most Americans lived in this type of environment,” he told Mississippi Magazine in 2001, “so I came home with the idea that these types of housing would be a great way. to build things and offer them to students. ”

Back home in Mississippi, he moved to Starkville, about 200 miles northeast of Jackson, and became intrigued by the possibilities of a ramshackle area between the Mississippi State University campus, where he taught. in the industrial education department, and downtown. section that became known as the Cotton District, due to the mill that once thrived there. The factory had closed in 1964, and workers’ housing nearby had deteriorated.

In 1969, Mr. Camp began buying property in this area and creating an eclectic oasis of tight-knit housing and businesses that has garnered the admiration of planners ever since. The Cotton District is today one of the most popular addresses in Starkville, especially for students, a neighborhood with varied architecture and friendly to pedestrians, consisting of cottages, duplexes, apartments, shops on one level, courtyards and fountains.

Mr. Camp, who served as mayor of Starkville from 2005 to 2009, died Oct. 25 in Meridian, Mississippi. He was 79 years old. Her son Robert said the cause was complications from Covid-19.

Robert Daniel Camp was born April 13, 1941 in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and raised in Tupelo, Mississippi. Her father, Dewey, was a group principal and her mother, Opal Quay (Webb) Camp, was an educator who the family said was Elvis Presley’s home teacher in sixth grade.

Mr. Camp graduated from Tupelo High School in 1959, received a Bachelor of Education from the State of Mississippi in 1963, and received a Masters of Education from the State of North Carolina in 1967 before returning to Starkville. He began the reinvention of the Cotton District with eight small townhouses.

“Most people in the community thought I was crazy to go to such a run down slum and do something like that,” he told Mississippi Public Broadcasting in 2013.

Over the years he has added small cabins – ranging in size from 300 to 500 square feet, aimed at students – and an assortment of other residential units, as well as shops, restaurants, bars and public spaces, all in narrow streets that encouraged foot traffic and a community atmosphere. . The neighborhood was built on the principles of the 1980s movement known as Nouvel Urbanisme, but came into being long before the term was coined.

“Mayor Camp talked about walking and mixed-use development before it got cool,” Parker Wiseman, his mayoral successor, said on Twitter. “He didn’t just talk about it. He built it.

“He hired me to paint a mural on his desk about 10 minutes after meeting me in early 2014,” Roy said. “This was despite the fact that I had no paid experience, no knowledge of operating a scissor lift and no proper sketches. He liked that the old people in town hated my job.

After that, Mr. Roy said, Mr. Camp continued to give him commissions just to support his art.

“At any time, he could also be the patron of a writer, sculptor, savage impressionist, barefoot juggler, lost intellectual, or a hippie clothing store in ethical origin ”, he declared. “He wanted a creative carousel in the neighborhood by design.”

In addition to his son Robert, Mr. Camp is survived by his wife, Gemma, whom he married in 1981; another son, Frederick, known as Bonn; and two granddaughters.

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In a refugee camp on the US-Mexico border, potential migrants are hoping for a victory from Biden.

MATAMOROS, Mexico – Enda Marisol Rivera and Vilma Consuelo Vasquez were sitting at a rickety wooden table under ragged tarps, peeling the bananas they ate for breakfast and talking about the nerves they woke up with this morning.

The two women have lived for months in a squalid tent camp filled with people hoping to gain asylum status in the United States.

“In the name of God, we hope Biden wins,” said Ms. Rivera, who has been at the camp for seven months. “It’s not safe here.”

The camp is testimony to the fact that President Trump has closed America’s door to large swathes of potential migrants. Residents of the camp are among the many foreign nationals who watch the election results with high stakes.

In the absence of television, people in the camp walked around with cell phones for information. Some had radios.

A few tents away, Luis Ramos, 26, from Honduras, sat on a pitcher of water outside his tent, wearing shorts and a black t-shirt that said, “Do everything with love.” . His black socks were getting covered in dirt as he nervously bounced on his legs.

“We’re all watching to see what’s going on,” he said, his eyes red with tears. “Today is the day that will define who will stay and who will go. Trump’s policies put us here. They were bad for us in every way.

Mr Ramos said he had struggled to sleep the night before on the rigid camp bed inside his tent, thinking of the US election. He said he planned to spend the day in one of his neighbors’ tents, where they could cram around the cellphones of people who had enough money to pay for a day of internet service, in order to monitor election results.

“Today is our only hope,” he said.

People at the camp were planning to gather around 7 p.m. to watch the late-night results arrive. Some called the event a feast, others a vigil. Many were in contact with relatives in the United States.

“We are a village here,” said Sandra Andrade, 43, from El Salvador.

Maria Guardado, 43, from Progreso, Honduras, said she was cautiously optimistic that Joseph R. Biden Jr. would be able to help her leave the camp – if he won the race to the presidency. She put her hand in a makeshift stove that she used to make rice for breakfast, mixing scraps of wood to fan the flame. Her 15-year-old son was still sleeping in their tent. She said the two of them would keep their eyes on their phones all day, hoping to hear of a Biden victory.

She felt good that Mr Biden’s wife had visited the camp last year, with many Latinos as part of her delegation. But she added that she was also realistic. “Politicians are politicians,” she said.

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Trump Camp Uses Online Gadget To Fund Donations Through December

Patrick Ruffini, a Republican pollster who previously worked in digital fundraising, said the Trump campaign’s digital marketing tactics reflected Mr. Trump’s personality.

“The president doesn’t have a filter, and there aren’t a lot of restrictions on what he’ll say or do from a fundraising standpoint either,” Ruffini said. He called the campaign an “optimization machine” designed to maximize revenue above all else.

“The corresponding inflation is a common joke,” Mr Ruffini said of the promised ghost matches which went from 500% in May to 600% in June, 700% in July and, sometimes, 900% – and now 1000. % in October. .

Julia Rosen, a Democratic digital fundraiser, likened the tactic to “giving kids candy instead of their Wheaties”: a temporary sugar spike followed by a crash. “If you start off by offering matches to donors, they like that, and it becomes a situation where then they’ll only give if you give them a match,” she says.

“They have optimized themselves in absurdity and parody,” she added of the Trump campaign.

Privately, some Republicans are questioning whether Mr. Trump’s campaign deployed such tactics far too early, depleting a list of supporters that had been seen as one of its most powerful assets. At this point, however, most see little problem with the more aggressive marketing tactics, arguing that the risk of deterring supporters was no worse than losing the election.

Mr. Trump’s campaign used a tool created by WinRed, the donation processing site, which automatically chooses supporters to donate additional for months, and it generated millions of dollars, according to people familiar with the topic. As early as June, the campaign had asked supporters to make a second donation on Mr. Trump’s birthday. The campaign announced a record-breaking $ 14 million online transport that day, but did not mention that it had racked up the pledged contributions in advance.

ActBlue, the Democratic donation processing site, began removing a feature that automatically allowed donors to make recurring donations from its platform earlier this year. A representative said no candidate is currently using the tool but declined to comment further. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, however, still uses the opt-in tool for automatic monthly donations. The Biden campaign directed some Facebook ads to existing donors specifically looking to convert them into weekly and monthly contributors, and landing pages after people clicked on those ads have the recurring donation option pre-verified.

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Facing Gap in Pennsylvania, Trump Camp tries to make voting more difficult

Mr. Roman did not comment on this article.

In a statement, Thea McDonald, spokesperson for the Trump campaign, said: ‘As Democrats have attempted to force rule changes and wreak havoc and confusion every step of the way, Republicans have clearly and consistently advocated for stable and understandable rules so that every voter knows how to vote and can do so with confidence.

After the June primaries, Republican strategy began in earnest, in a battle that pitted Governor Tom Wolf, a Democrat, against the Republican-controlled legislature.

Due to the pandemic, states like Pennsylvania are inundated with postal ballots. Local election administrators and the governor have sought to allow swift processing of ballots, known as “pre-canvassing,” but Republicans attached conditions; among them they wanted to do away with drop boxes, impose new signature matching requirements and allow poll observers to cross county boundaries, a move that good government groups feared would lead to intimidation. and delays.

The state has a history of aggressive Republican tactics. In one of the most notorious episodes, Republican poll observers stationed at a University of Pittsburgh polling station in 2004 began to challenge the identity of large numbers of students queuing to vote. , who had to ask friends to sign affidavits for them.

Democrats weren’t looking to scan ballots early, as many other states do. Instead, they just wanted to give local officials a head start by opening the envelopes and flattening the ballots, to get them ready for processing.

“It sounded like a hoax,” said Suzanne Almeida, attorney for Common Cause in Pennsylvania, adding that “county election officials and county commissioners were very clear on how important this was to them.

But the Republican maneuvers mean that even those efforts will have to wait until Election Day morning.